WANTED: NATIONAL MINORITIES’ SUMMIT

Sebastian Ikyegh Agbinda argues the need for a national minorities’ security summit to resolve vital issues

Adreadful combination of Fulani exceptionalism and triumphalism, similar to Donald Trump’s “America First” xenophobia, has emboldened Fulani herdsmen to unleash terror on their “Northern” siblings and Nigeria, and has rocked the foundation of a decaying so-called “Northern monolith”. Historically, what fuelled this so-called “monolith” was geographical size, religion, (the North seen largely as Islamic, not minding the huge Christian presence in the Middle Belt especially) but sprinkles all over the North demographic and economic canopies – ISSA, NNDC, New Nigerian Newspaper, Arewa, and such other dilapidating institutional edifices.

What the Fulani herdsmen have done is to remove the Hausa demographic base of the Fulani, the real demographic fulcrum of the Fulani, and left it in the fierce militarised trajectory that no longer applies the compound verb – Hausa – Fulani. The Fulani, in a fit of triumphalism, have left off this base, and are proceeding on the journey for public colonies or ranches for its cattle – guided on by grand-patrons and emirates regulatory body of which few are Hausa, and a military command group called Miyetti Allah.

This Fulani exceptionalism and triumphalism is best captured in their monopoly of the nation security architecture under a Fulani presidency. Not one of the members of this top – brass is Hausa. It is almost entirely Fulani – Customs – Immigrations, Prisons to DSS and NIA. This is why Dr. Olusegun Obasanjo, himself under the security threat, branded this ethno-security monopoly, not xenophobia, not irredentism, but clannishness. Not Hausa, not Northern minorities are taken along in Obasanjo’s characterisation. Fulani ascendancy to the top echelons even while displaying traits of exceptionalism, drew some “monkey dey work, baboon de chop” grumbles from both the Hausa and Middle Belt minorities. These grumbles were generally benign but were there all the same. The Tiv riots, Tarka’s United Midle Belt Congress with its earliest restructuring agenda and Aper Aku’s later day 1983 treatise on zoning and rotation and power shift were eloquent, if not cerebral manifestations of these grumbles. The Obasanjo presidency – a product of June 12th and minority-driven power-shift brought minority presence, in his military top echelon – T.Y.Danjuma (Jukun), Malu (Tiv), Ogohi (Igbira), Alfa (Igalla). The North, meaning largely Fulani elite, let out huge huffs and grumbles. Obasanjo stood his ground emphasising he was not from the North neither were any of these not from the North or from one tribe. The far – North Fulani elite pointedly reminded him, in fierce and direct language that these were not core northerners – they were not Hausa – Fulani and not Muslims. There were peripheral Northerners!

Signboards sprang up all over the minorities areas of the North indicating a split in the so-called Northern monolith. Obasanjo not sure of the far-Northern elite, was strategically positioning the northern minorities as his alternative base even as he constructed another around my former boss – Chief Bola Ige.

Of course, not all northern minorities read Obasanjo clearly. From Malu’s Odi expedition, given his apolitical character, to Iyorchia Ayu’s slide into micro- nationalism and an absence of schooling in minoritism, the Obasanjo opportunity was lost. So was Goodluck Jonathan, himself a product of zoning and rotation and power-shift treatise.

What the Fulani herdsmen have done, especially in their “going for broke” ferocity in Buhari is to go after minority states especially, and the country at large (Wole Soyinka – the Fulani herdsmen have declared war on Nigeria) in such a way that has dispersed and isolated the Hausa, is generating a minoritism, a handshake across the Niger fuelling restructuring and anti-Fulani sentiment nation-wide. Even more critically the Fulani, without the herdsmen peeling off the Hausa and minorities are advertising themselves as a small minority element in the North.

The Northern minority reaction has so far, emerged in a meeting with Southern political stakeholders (South South, South East and South- West). This was straight after the Benue 73, and Taraba 63 burial funerals. There have also been scattered statements, more from CAN than from Paul Unongo, Akume, Suswam, Gemade. There has also been a closing of ranks generally between Ortom and Darius Ishaku across party lines. Also, there has been some rethink and apologies. Not from Al-Makura who is seen strangely as ally of the herdsmen who alleges Ortom has positioned his state as launch into another minority state (Benue). It is clear that over time, Al-Makura will realise the grave miscalculation of his position, if indeed he is complicit.

The only thing the Northern minority leaders have not contemplated is a meeting, based on a common understanding of the Fulani herdsmen’s threat as beyond agriculture or just a clash of modes of production, but an ethnical and existential threat.

Ethnic exceptionalism and triumphalism generate isolationism. Today the Fulani are isolating themselves from the Hausa as they are Northern minorities, except perhaps for the Kanuri. They are equally isolating themselves from the Ibo, Yoruba and South-South.

Isolationism emerges as the regional and national response to Muhammadu Buhari and Fulani exceptionalism and triumphalism (FULET). This response is around opposition to open grazing, colonies, public colonies rephrased as public ranches, reactions to Plateau killings, unemployment, poverty. It is also a response to Fulani opposition to restructuring.

The so – called Fulani cattle herdsmen, as readily acknowledged are not in the simplistic business of cattle growing. That is just a vehicle. They are a product of religion – alliance with the ISWA, Boko Haram, and the Emirate infrastructure, identify them as such. Climate change may be generating their condition, but the Fulani are eminently in a position to develop the Kano-type all seasons farming infrastructure to resolve their southwards drift.

Obasanjo and IBB’s response to Buhari is part of the response – but it also embraces three other impulses: their understanding of the severity of Buhari’s return for another four years; demonstration of the willingness of two former military leaders to break ranks – openly; and more. A national minorities security summit is the panacea.

THE MIDDLE BELT AND NORTH EAST GEOPOLITICAL ZONES ARE ARGUABLY THE ONLY GROUPS THAT HAVE NOT PUT THEIR RESTRUCTURING PRODUCTS TOGETHER. THIS IS UNFORTUNATE, IRONIC, BELATED BUT NOT TOO LATE