The Challenge of Godfathers
Across the nation, the battle for the political souls of states is raging hard as the 2019 general election gathers momentum. From Lagos to Benue; Rivers to Sokoto, it has been battles between godfathers and estranged godsons. Samuel Ajayi looks at this development and how it will affect the political fortunes of many a political gladiator
Bola Ahmed Tinubu/ Lagos
Tinubu did not become the undisputed godfather of Lagos politics by accident. He planned and executed the plan with ruthless precision. But one can argue that his rise was fortuitous. In 2003, Tinubu was the only governor of the Alliance for Democracy, AD, that returned out of the six in the South West. Others did not win re-election.
Immediately he returned, he set about becoming the undisputed political leader of South-west. With an unusual penchant to dispense patronage, his colleagues who did not win election took no time before they started seeing as their ‘leader’. Consolidating his position, Tinubu went for the jugular of the Afenifere leaders and ensured that he practically neutralised them politically. And by 2006, he had left the AD to form the Action Congress, AC, and successfully pushed for the party to win both Ekiti and Osun States during the 2007 general elections; albeit via judicial pronouncement.
By 2011, Tinubu had led the now ACN to win the governorship elections in Oyo, Ogun and Lagos States while Ekiti and Osun were firmly under his grips, at least politically.
Back home, the near stranglehold of Tinubu over Lagos politics can only be imagined. Not only did he successfully foist Babatunde Fashola on the party as his successor in 2007, he ensured that other better-qualified aspirants queued behind his anointed political godson.
It was after the emergence of Fashola that Tinubu strengthened his hold on the politics of Lagos. Not only did he decide who became the governor, his imprint was also on those who would become senators, House of Representatives members, commissioners, special advisers and even local government chairmen. Even some political watchers opined that this extended to councillorship slots.
In 2010, words had it that Tinubu might be dropping Fashola over seemingly irreconcilable differences. The latter was rumoured to be flirting with the Labour Party but at the end of the day sanity prevailed and Fashola was returned but the relationship between the two had become fractured.
Two years before the 2015 election, the name Akinwunmi Ambode was hardly known in Lagos political circles. But by the beginning of 2014, the name was being mentioned as the anointed successor to Fashola. What started as a rumour gained traction of reality and against even more established political troopers, Ambode won the party’s ticket and the election proper itself. It must be noted that even the candidate Fashola, as the incumbent governor, supported was roundly trounced at the primaries. No thanks to the ruthless efficiency of the Tinubu political machinery.
After Ambode resumed as governor, it was alleged that virtually all political appointees had to get the blessing of the man known as the Lion of Bourdillon before they could be appointed by the sitting governor. Apart from this was the rumour that before any contractor could get any major job in the state, the former governor had to give his blessing. In consolidating the reign of the godfather in Lagos, his wife, Oluremi, effortlessly picked up the senatorial ticket for Lagos Central and won election to the upper chamber in 2011. If she returns in 2019, it would be a third straight term in the Senate.
Now, all was going well until a two until a couple of months ago when words started coming out that the godfather might be planning to drop his godson and the latter might as well kiss his second term ticket a painful goodbye.
While negotiations are on-going, the signs do not favour the incumbent governor. On Wednesday this week, the Oba of Lagos, Rilwan Akiolu, and Oyo State Governor, Abiola Ajimobi, were said to be making last-ditch efforts to thaw the ice. But it remains to be seen if their efforts would yield any success.
“Ironically, Ambode is not being hounded because of performance but for purely political reasons. And Tinubu might have his way which shows the kind of control he has over Lagos politics,” Olusola Ayodeji, a security expert told THISDAY on Thursday. While Ambode battles for his political life, the godfather’s hold can only get stronger.
Bukola Saraki/ Kwara
He himself was a product of godfatherism. But he was smart enough to overthrow the same man who brought him into politics and made him governor. Olusola Saraki, Second Republic Senate Leader, and father to the current Senate President had always had the misfortune of having those who he raised in politics turn against him. Saraki made the late Adamu Attah governor of old Kwara State in 1979. But the duo fell apart and Saraki had to push Cornelius Adebayo as governor in 1983. Adebayo did not spend more than three months in office before the military struck but by 1999, Saraki backed the late Mohammed Lawal, a retired naval officer, who emerged governor of the state.
Lawal and Saraki did not last long as political allies. In fact, in less than 18 months, the two men were at each other’s throats. Saraki decided to look inwards and that was who Bukola was launched into politics and he became governor in 2003. Saraki even left the then All Nigeria People’s Party, ANPP, and joined PDP.
Saraki became governor but he was to shock his father in 2011 when he vehemently kicked against his sister, Gbemisola, from succeeding him. The older Saraki had planned that Gbemisola would succeed his brother after his two terms, but the younger Saraki said it would be unethical for his sister to succeed him as governor. With party structure firmly in his hands, he forced his father out of the party who got the sister to run on another platform and she was roundly defeated.
It was this episode that retired the older Saraki from politics until his death on November 14, 2012.
Bukola picked Abdulfatah Ahmed and made him governor. In 2013, Bukola decamped to the APC and Ahmed followed suit. And when Saraki again decamped back to the PDP a couple of months back, Ahmed followed again and also Bolaji Abdullahi, one time Minister of Sports and as at then, National Publicity Secretary of the APC.
His hold on Kwara politics remains unshaken. He is truly the new godfather of Kwara politics.
Rotimi Amaechi/ Rivers
His political rise was fortuitous. He is generally regarded as the godson of the former governor of Rivers State, Peter Odili. But Amaechi seems to have broken free from the tutelage of the medical doctor turned politician. He was a member of the Rivers State House of Assembly for eight years where he served as the Speaker. He became governor when the Supreme Court ruled that he, and not Celestine Omehia, should have been the candidate of the PDP during the 207 governorship election in the state. Technically, Amaechi did not contest for governor as his name was not on the ballot but he became a governor by judicial fiat.
Amaechi, according to inside sources, wanted to be to Rivers State what Tinubu is to Lagos State. It was him who nominated Nyesom Wike, the current governor of the state as minister until the duo fell out. Amaechi later moved to the APC and wanted to control the party apparatus in the state, a development that has consistently pitched him against Senator Magnus Abe. Besides, Amaechi also wanted to determine who gets what in the state, especially in the APC.
Presently, there are two factions of the party in the state: one loyal to Amaechi and the one loyal to Abe. On Monday, the Abe faction said it would adopt direct primaries while the Amaechi faction said it would be an indirect model.
While he is pushing and punching, Amaechi does not seem to be having it easy as a godfather in Rivers State with Abe constantly being a pain in his side.