THISDAY

World’s Major Powers Must Not Ignore Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis

- Julius A. Amin

ameroon ’s Anglophone region is rapidly beco-ming a no-go zone. Thousands of residents fled to the country’s French speaking cities of Douala, Yaoundé, and Bafoussam, during August and September, anticipati­ng more bloodshed before the country’s October presidenti­al elections.

English-speaking Cameroon makes up roughly 20% of the country’s 24.8 million people.

It has been nearly three years since the Anglophone crisis began. It started when Englishspe­aking teachers and lawyers went on strike demanding fair working conditions. They and other Anglophone residents complain that their language and culture are marginalis­ed by Cameroon’s French-speaking government and legislator­s.

The government responded with force. The conflict that followed has been vicious; unpreceden­ted in the nation’s history. It’s a reminder of older, brutal wars elsewhere in Africa: in Sierra Leone, Liberia and Rwanda.

During these wars, the world’s major powers did little as millions were slaughtere­d. Some later apologised for their inaction. And yet it seems no lessons have been learned. Countries like France, the US and China have issued carefully worded statements calling for an end to hostilitie­s – and done nothing more.

Lip service is not enough. It’s time for these major powers to act. Great nation status comes with great responsibi­lities, and particular­ly in an interconne­cted global environmen­t there must be a moral imperative in the conduct of foreign policy. These powers must also recognise that Cameroon’s ongoing crisis threatens the wider West African region’s long and short term stability.

There’s no doubt that global powers know exactly what’s happening in Cameroon. In June 2018, the US Subcommitt­ee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and Internatio­nal Organisati­ons in Washington D.C heard witness testimonie­s about the graphic nature of hostilitie­s in Cameroon.

And yet, as a cursory glance at the US embassy website in Yaoundé reveals, it’s mostly business as usual for the two countries. American citizens are warned to avoid travelling to Cameroon’s English speaking regions – but that’s the extent of it.

On its official embassy website, meanwhile, France refers to Cameroon as a “friend” and a “partner”. It calls for “restraint.” Considerin­g how vital the country is to its strategic interests in the West African region, one might expect France to say – or do – more.

China’s actions in this saga have also been extremely frustratin­g. At the recent Forum of China-African Cooperatio­n in Beijing, President Paul Biya was given the red carpet treatment. No Chinese leaders, and none from the rest of Africa, made any public statements about the Anglophone crisis.

All of this is extremely vexing given Cameroon’s strategic importance. For many years the US monitored its interest in Equatorial Guinea from Yaoundé. Cameroon and the US are partners in coordinati­ng efforts against Boko Haram and other global terrorist groups.

Cameroon is vital to France’s interest in the West African region. The Anglophone crisis could destabilis­e the region by snowballin­g into neighbouri­ng countries. And other former French colonies will be watching with interest, noting the European power’s hands off approach.

China’s policy of noninterve­ntion in another country’s domestic affairs has only strengthen­ed the resolve of tyrants like Biya. He remains one of China’s key allies in the region. Publicly, China’s Premier Li Keqiang has said little about the ongoing Anglophone Crisis. Instead he’s given more money to Biya’s government and enjoys cordial relations with the long time leader.

Perhaps as long as the crisis doesn’t interfere with China’s receipt of timber, rubber and other raw materials from Cameroon, there won’t be a shift in Beijing’s attitude any time soon.

It seems unlikely, though, that the world’s major powers will totally change their approach to what are viewed as sovereign issues.

But there are things that can be done, and some are quite basic. Biya can be forced to do the right thing. For instance, he spends a significan­t amount of vacation time in Switzerlan­d.

There is absolutely no reason why European nations and journalist­s shouldn’t speak out about the leader’s spending of his country’s resources in Switzerlan­d, France, and other places.

Emmanuel Macron, France’s president, must turn his verbal threats into actions. Sanctions, for instance, will force Cameroon to address the Anglophone problem. France could also stop the supply of military hardware and intelligen­ce to Biya’s regime.

China can also do more. Its policy of non-interventi­on doesn’t apply when its interests are threatened: it intervened in Zambia’s elections to safeguard its interests there.

Finally, the African Union has a role to play while it awaits more concerted efforts from European powers. For instance, the continenta­l body could threaten to withdraw the hosting of next year’s African Nations Cup if Biya doesn’t offer a clear timeline for solving the Anglophone crisis. This threat to a major money spinner and point of prestige could shock Biya into action.

 ??  ?? President Paul Biya (left) and United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres during their first meeting at the UN Headquarte­rs, New York, on September 22, 2017
President Paul Biya (left) and United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres during their first meeting at the UN Headquarte­rs, New York, on September 22, 2017
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