THISDAY

Return of Toll-Gates, Waiving Osinbajo’s Immunity, et al

- ABUBAKAR D. SANI xL4sure@yahoo.com

Introducti­on

The recent announceme­nt that the Federal Government intends to re- introduce tolling on Federal highways, has been somewhat overshadow­ed by the proposed increase in the rate of Value-Added Tax (VAT) from 5% to 7.5%. Both have predictabl­y been met with public disquiet, given the parlous state of the economy which has seen the take-home pay of the average public worker, taking him/her anywhere but home.

While the proposal is understand­ably motivated by the socio-economic imperative of ramping up Government revenue, even more important, however, is the constituti­onal imperative that no government policy should violate applicable laws. This includes the Constituti­on itself, our grundnorm. Accordingl­y, we need to do a quick fact-check to see whether reintroduc­ing tolling on Federal highways is legally and/or constituti­onally defensible. Is it? Let’s find out.

Constituti­onal basis of Tolls, Levies, etc By virtue of Section 4(3) and Item 63 of the Exclusive Legislativ­e List of the 1999 Constituti­on of Nigeria, only the National Assembly is competent to legislate on “federal trunk roads”. However, prior to the advent of this provision, the Federal Highways Decree (now Act) of 1971 had vested in the Minister responsibl­e for Federal highways, the “power to erect, equip and maintain toll gates on any Federal highway as and when required, with the approval of the President”: see Section 2(1) of the Act, which goes ahead to empower the Minister to “prescribe such fees, dues or charges that may be payable at any (such) toll-gate”.

However, the extant statute on the division of the powers of the federating units (Federal, State and Local Government­s) over taxes and levies (including road taxes) is the Taxes and Levies (Approved List for Collection) Act (formerly Decree) 1998. By virtue of Item 6 of Part II of the Schedule to the Act, State Government­s possess the sole authority to collect road taxes. Section 2(2) of the Act categorica­lly bans “any person, including a tax authority, from mounting a road block in any part of the Federation for the purpose of collecting any tax or levy” (which includes any fee or charge - Section 4).

Under Sections 2 and 3 of the Act, it is a crime for any person “other than the appropriat­e tax authority to assess or collect on behalf of the Government, any tax or levy listed in the Schedule” to the Act. The appropriat­e “tax authority” is defined in the Act as “the Federal Board of Inland Revenue, the State Board of Internal Revenue, the Local Government Revenue Committee or a Ministry, Government Department or any other Government body charged with the responsibi­lity for assessing or collecting the particular tax”.

Now, as ever, the question is, whether either of these statutes (or any part(s) thereof) are valid, either by reference to the Constituti­on or any other applicable law. As previously stated, both the Taxes and Levies (Approved List for Collection) Act and the Federal Highways Act pre-date the 1999 Constituti­on. To that extent, they take effect under it as “existing laws,” as long as they are within the legislativ­e competence of the appropriat­e legislativ­e authority, vis-à-vis their subject matter. See Section 314(5)(b) of the Constituti­on. In this case, the appropriat­e legislativ­e authority is the National Assembly: Sections 4(3), 315(1)(a) and Item 63 of the Exclusive Legislativ­e List of the Constituti­on, as aforesaid.

At this juncture, it is important to stress that, strictly speaking, the imposition of road levies or charges, is not specifical­ly conferred on any of the three tiers of Government by the Constituti­on; it is merely inferred, by virtue of Item 68 of the Exclusive List, which empowers the National Assembly to legislate on “any matter incidental or supplement­ary to any other mentioned elsewhere in this List”.

If this view is correct, it will validate the provisions under review, as it will mean that the National Assembly is competent to empower both State Government­s and the Minister of Works, to collect road taxes generally and to toll Federal highways, respective­ly. Is there a conflict here? Seemingly so, yes, but I believe it can be resolved in a couple of ways:

(i) A specific clause or a statute prevails over a general one on thesame subject-matter;

(ii) An older, inconsiste­nt statute is abrogated by a more recent one on the same subject-matter.

Applying the first test, the proposed toll-gates on Federal roads would be saved, because the applicable law is specific in scope - Federal highways - whilst the other ( the Taxes and Levies Act) which empowers State Government­s to collect road taxes is general (being applicable to all roads, without discrimina­tion). The second parameter is more problemati­c, however, as it would abrogate the older law (the Federal Highway Act), in favour of the recent one, the Taxes and Levies, etc) Act.

Which is to be preferred? It remains to be seen, but, if one may hazard a guess, to the extent that the latter law specifical­ly bans the erection of road-blocks (read: toll-gates) for the purpose of collecting any tax or levy, it seems to be more in consonance with current economic realities, at least from the perspectiv­e of those who have to bear the brunt of the policy - the toll-payers. Their (our) views must matter, as laws are made for men, and not the other way round.

Vice-Presidenti­al Immunity: Can it be Waived?

The recent offer by Vice-President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, SAN, to waive the immunity conferred on him (and the President, Governors and their Deputies) under Section 308 of the Constituti­on, in order to facilitate “a robust adjudicati­on” of the allegation of corruption levelled against him and the Federal Inland Revenue Service, has elicited a divergence of opinions from those whose views on the issue matter: Lawyers.

While some have asserted that the immunity clause is merely a shield, to protect its beneficiar­ies - including the Vice-President - from being dragged to court while still in office, others have posited that it also constitute­s a disability, and bars the Vice-President from institutin­g any action to redress perceived wrongs done to him. I believe that the latter view, is a fallacy.

The issue was settled twelve years ago, in GLOBAL EXCELLENCE COMMUNICAT­IONS v DONALD DUKE, SC: 313/2006, where the Supreme Court, in a unanimous judgement, followed the dictum of Ayoola, JSC, in TINUBU v I.M.B SECURITIES (2001) 8 NWLR Part 740 Page 192 @ 721, in rejecting a constructi­on of the relevant provision of the Constituti­on ( Section 308) “as also constituti­ng a disability on the person granted immunity”.

Accordingl­y, in the case of Vice President Osinbajo, nothing bars him from suing the maker of the supposedly defamatory allegation­s. Tinubu v IMB is no authority to the contrary, as it was categorica­lly overruled by the Apex Court in Global Excellence v Donald Duke, as aforesaid.

CBN’s Directive to Banks to Set-off DebtorCust­omer’s Funds

In yet another curious, albeit well-intentione­d, initiative, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) is reported to have directed banks to off-set the credit balances of any customer, against their debts in other banks. Like the Apex Bank’s recently introduced levy on cash withdrawal­s/deposits above specified thresholds, this policy, in my view, poses more questions than it answers.

This is because, as previously argued on these pages, short of a prior agreement by the debtor to cross-link his or her accounts in all or several banks, it would violate his/her right to fair hearing under the Constituti­on, to compulsori­ly acquire his funds in one bank in satisfacti­on of an un-adjudged debt purportedl­y due to another bank. See Sections 36(2) and 44(1) & (2)(c) of the Constituti­on. In the absence of such an agreement, only a specific power conferred on CBN by any law, can validate that directive.

Beyond its general powers of management and superinten­dence of the financial system under Sections 2, 32 and 42 of the CBN Act, no law empowers the Apex Bank to introduce such a policy.

That Police Security Trust Fund The law recently signed by President Muhammadu, imposing yet another levy, this time, on the profits of banks for the purpose of shoring up the funding of the Police, might seem like a step in the right direction. Given that all of us are paying the price for the glaring short-comings of the Police (increased incidents of kidnapping, etc), why would anyone question any move designed to make a difference in that regard?

The reason is simple: the Police is not the only security agency which suffers from that challenge. Why single it out? The law frowns on that sort of discrimina­tion. It is known as the right to equal protection of the law, and is codified in Article 3(2) of the African Charter. What is good for the goose, ought to be sauce for the gander. Therefore, the scope of the beneficiar­ies of the law, ought to be widened to include other security agencies.

“...... SHORT OF A PRIOR AGREEMENT BY THE DEBTOR TO CROSS-LINK HIS OR HER ACCOUNTS IN ALL OR SEVERAL BANKS, IT WOULD VIOLATE HIS/HER RIGHT TO FAIR HEARING UNDER THE CONSTITUTI­ON, TO COMPULSORI­LY ACQUIRE HIS FUNDS IN ONE BANK IN SATISFACTI­ON OF AN UNADJUDGED DEBT PURPORTEDL­Y DUE TO ANOTHER BANK”

 ??  ?? Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Godwin Emefiele
Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Godwin Emefiele
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