Let’s Talk About Revolution
Sub-Saharan Africa is one of the fastest developing regions in the world. Population growth, expanding economic performance and a wealth of natural resources sit alongside dynamic political developments and an increasingly vocal civil society. However, diverse parts of the continent still struggle with dictatorial regimes, omnipresent corruption, and assertive malign foreign influences, sometimes bringing back memories of a colonial past. What are the key challenges Africa faces today? How do Africans view the role of external factors, such as China, Russia, Europe, or the US? How can they deal with the heavy impact of climate change, ocean pollution, drought, land degradation and depletion of natural resources? Where will sub-Sahara Africa be in 15 years?
The foregoing was the issue before us on Tuesday morning in Prague at an invitation-only working breakfast on ‘ Africa Rising’ hosted by the British embassy and attended by diplomats from several countries. Moderated by Jana Hybášková, a former EU Ambassador to Namibia, speakers included Andrea Papus led to the fall of the Berlin Wall along Ngombet Malewa, a presidential candidate with the communist regime, what followed from the Republic of the Congo, Asha was economic prosperity for the united Ahmed Mwilu, journalist and filmmaker country. In contrast, the Tien’anmen Square from Kenya, Katherine Evans of the Africa protest in Beijing was brutally put down Directorate, Foreign and Commonwealth by the Chinese authorities. 30 years later, Office, United Kingdom and myself. the communist party has strengthened its
I arrived Prague, Czech Republic on hold on power yet the society has also Sunday at the invitation of ‘Forum 2000’ to prospered economically. But perhaps the celebrate the 30th anniversary of the ‘Velvet most remarkable of those (1989) revolutions Revolution’ which brought to power then happened in the then Czechoslovakia. Czechoslovakia’s famous playwright and It began on 17th November 1989, with political dissident, the late Mr Vaclav Havel. a non-violent protest to mark the 50th Described as the ‘Autumn of Nations’, 1989 anniversary of the 1939 invasion of Czech was a year that witnessed mass protests for universities by the Nazi army which killed the enthronement of democracy and human no fewer than nine students and sent rights in several countries in Eastern Europe, many to concentration camps. Providing Asia and Latin America. The gathering in inspiration (through underground radio Prague, ‘Recovering the Promise of 1989’, broadcasts) for students and members of brought together writers, civil society civil society who converged in Prague on activists, politicians and academics for that day and in the days that followed was the purpose of examining the 30 years Havel. The protest quickly assumed a life since then. of its own and within a period of six weeks
Founded in 1996, ‘Forum 2000’ is an (by 29th December 1989), the communist initiative of the late Havel, in collaboration government was overthrown by the people with Japanese philanthropist, Yohei without a single gun fired. Havel became Sasakawa, and the late Nobel Peace the president of Czechoslovakia. Prize Laureate and Holocaust survivor, Having been arrested and detained by the Professor Elie Wiesel. The Forum, which communist regime several times, Havel spent draws inspiration from the ideals for which five years in jail between 1979 to 1983 after Havel lived and died, supports “the values which he published his famous book, ‘Letters of democracy and respect for human rights, to Olga’, a compilation of correspondence assisting the development of civil society, and to his wife while incarcerated. In power, encouraging religious, cultural and ethnic Havel lived by the ideals he espoused tolerance”, while providing “a platform as an opposition figure. He established for global leaders, as well as thinkers and democratic political institutions founded courageous individuals from every field on the rule of law, transformed his country of endeavour, to openly debate and share from a state-controlled economy to a free these critical issues.” market economy and allowed civil society to
At the opening ceremony on Monday thrive. It is in his honour that ‘Forum 2000’ where speakers included Yemeni human brings together hundreds of people from rights activist and Nobel Peace Prize across the world every year for dialogue Laureate, Tawakkol Karman, four sessions on critical issues affecting humanity. captured two of the most significant events of Indeed, there could not have been a more 1989: ‘Chinese Superpower and the Promise appropriate time to reflect on the legacy of Tien´anmen 1989’ and ‘Germany 30 Years of 1989 than now. Countries considered after the Fall of the Berlin Wall’. While bastions of democracy are now electing the uprising in the then East Germany leaders with dictatorial bent and scant
THISDAY Newspapers Limited. regard for human dignity. “30 years on, we are facing a very set of new challenges”, said respected American political scientist, Francis Fukuyama, who argues that while Russia and China have become aggressive and self-confident, “we also have the more insidious threat of demagogic populists who had been elected by their peoples and have started to undermine the rule of law.”
It is remarkable that the 1989 revolutions produced diverse outcomes in different countries. While the bloody protests in China did not exactly lead to a collapse of the political system, it became a catalyst for the economic prosperity now being enjoyed by the people. In the Czech Republic, the bloodless revolution dismantled the command and control political structure and replaced it with one in which the people now have more voice in their affairs.
To come back home, even before Omoyele Sowore came up with his ‘RevolutionNow’ campaign that has landed him in detention, it was not uncommon to hear Nigerians say rather glibly, “We need a revolution in this country” with some even qualifying it by adding the word, “bloody”. To those Nigerians, there will be no change in our country until members of the ruling class are given the ‘Jerry Rawlings treatment’. To opportunistic politicians, the ‘revolution’ they envisage is one that will oust and replace the party and people currently in power. To moderates who are simply disenchanted with the status quo, the system is in need of shock therapy to necessitate a change of direction. For all these groups, there is a counter-force, consisting mainly of those in power at every particular period (it is APC today, it was PDP yesterday). To this group, the notion of a ‘revolution’ of any kind is ‘treasonable’. The problem with members of this group is that their position changes the moment they move from government to the opposition.
That we have enormous challenges in our country is no longer in doubt. But how do we make the transition to a system that is more accountable and can leverage the latent capacity of our people? Can it come from the streets as was successfully demonstrated in Prague 30 years ago? It is very unlikely. Can it come through a conscious decision of the leadership class to chart a sustainable path to the future as China did following the Tien’anmen Square tragedy, also 30 years ago? While it behooves us to find answers to these questions, time seems to be running out.
Incidentally, this is also the 30th anniversary of a famous interview granted by the late Professor Chinua Achebe (published on 28th May, 1989) to respected literary editor, Charles H. Rowell, currently a Professor of English at Texas A&M University. In the interview, which has since been published into a book, Achebe told a story which he would, by his own admission, use “again and again because I think it is a marvellous little story.” I have also recounted Achebe’s narration of it before on this page because it addresses leaders at all levels of society—religious, political, professional, ethnic etc.—who have conspired to hold down our people to preserve their personal privileges: “The snake was riding his horse, coiled up in his saddle. That’s the way the snake rode his horse. And he came down the road and met the toad walking by the roadside. And the toad said to him, ‘Excuse me, Sir, but that’s not how to ride a horse.’ And the snake said, ‘No? Can you show me then?’ And the toad said, ‘Yes, if you would step down, Sir.’ So the snake came down. The toad jumped into the saddle and sat bolt upright and galloped most elegantly up and down the road. When he came back he said, ‘That’s how to ride a horse.’ And the snake said, ‘Excellent. Very good. Thank you. Come down, if you don’t mind.’ So the toad came down, and the snake went up and coiled himself in the saddle as he was used to doing and then said to the toad, ‘It is very good to know, but it is even better to have. What good does excellent horsemanship do to a man without a horse?’ And with that he rode away...”
Achebe provided perspective to the story: “The snake in this story is an aristocrat, and the toad a commoner. The statement, even the rebuke, which the snake issues is, in fact, saying: ‘Keep where you belong. You see, people like me are entitled to horses, and we don’t have to know how to ride. There’s no point in being an expert. That’s not going to help you.’ If you think deeply about this story, it’s a two-edged sword. To put this other edge to it, which is not noticed at first... this other side is that the snake is incompetent, the snake is complacent, the snake is even unattractive. It’s all there in the story, and the time will come in this political system when all this will be questioned. Why is it that a snake is entitled to a horse? Why is it that the man who knows how to ride does not have a horse to ride? This questioning will come in a revolutionary time, and when it comes you don’t need another story. It is the same story that will stand ready to be used; and this to me is the excellence of the griot in creating laughter and hiding what you might call the glint of steel. In the voluminous folds of this laughter, you can catch the hint of a concealed weapon which will be used when the time comes...”
It is instructive that Achebe’s story ended on an ominous note and that should teach us some lessons. One, revolutions are most often spontaneous and sometimes ignited by seemingly innocuous things. Two, most revolutions create more problems than they solve and given the ethno-religious divisions within our society, the prospect of such an upheaval in Nigeria should frighten us. Three, not all countries are as lucky as the Czech Republic to have a moderate leader with intellect and integrity like the late Havel. But the ultimate lesson is that whether in Europe, Asia, America or Africa, what the people desire is accountable government that ensures they meet their basic aspirations. And on that score, the role of leadership cannot be overemphasized.