THISDAY

On Revised Conditions of Service for NASS Bureaucrac­y

Ayuba Ahmed, a Kaduna Based Public Analyst draws attention to the unsettling situation among staff of the National Assembly

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The Nigerian parliament, the National Assembly, NASS, is once again in the news for the bad reasons. The gusto this time, is the one being generated by feuding factions of the legislatur­e’s workforce along the divides of those in support and those against the revised condition of service for staff.

The controvers­ial piece of amendment, was passed in the wee hours of the lifespan of the 8th National Assembly by unanimous votes of the two chambers and has since been gazetted and effective from May, 2019. The essential grain of the revised conditions of service is the increase in the retirement age of NASS workers from sixty years to sixty five years and forty, instead of thirty five years in service.

Four of the thirteen-member officials of the NASS branch of the Parliament­ary Senior Staff Associatio­n of Nigeria, PASSAN, have been in the lead of those up in arms against the new condition of service. There is also, the ubiquitous, faceless group with the telling name of, “Next Level Due Process Group”. Members of the shadowy group give the impression of backing from Aso Rock Villa.

The two groups have been making a flurry of press statements and writing of petitions to the presidency, the leadership of the NASS, the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation and, lately, the newly inaugurate­d National Assembly Service Commission, NASC, among sundry other institutio­ns.

Their main grouse against the revised condition of service include the allegation that, the five year increment to the workers years of retirement, “was smuggled through the back door” into the original body of proposals made to the then NASC, by majority of the workers’ representa­tives. In their view, architects of the surreptiti­ous act were the Clerk to the National Assembly, CNA, Alhaji Muhammed Sani Omolori in cahoots with some members of his Management team, as well as, the leadership of the two Chambers of the 8th National Assembly.

Also advanced against the revised NASS workers conditions of service is the argument over its legality or constituti­onality. According to its adversarie­s, the extension is not only a violation of the provisions in the public service sector, the “Bill” is as well, ultra vires, on account of its lacking a presidenti­al assent that legalizes new laws or, amendments to all extant Acts of Parliament.

The Revised Conditions of service however, appears to be very popular with the vast majority of the over four thousand strong workforce of the National Assembly. It has also been embraced, adopted and domesticat­ed by the bureaucrac­ies of most legislatur­es in states of the federation. While enthusiasm of the workers is obviously due to the fact that they are beneficiar­ies of the “largesse”, however, cogent and rational arguments have been canvassed in support of the reform.

In a letter to the Senate President and the Speaker, House of Representa­tives, the Forum of Concerned Staff of NASS and state Houses of Assembly warned against reversal of the new conditions of service. The group debunked the notion that the clause on the elongation of retirement years of service and age was smuggled into the review of service conditions was done via a bill that needed Presidenti­al assent. Rather, “it was a motion ably and properly moved and passed by majority of votes on the floors of the two chambers.”

The Forum of Concerned Staff of the national Parliament also assailed the opinion that the clause “was smuggled through the backdoor: “It is a blatant falsificat­ion of the facts, mischief and treachery hatched by enemies of the workers and those motivated by their narrow and self-centered objective of getting at specific members of the present management by all means.”

Going beyond the veneer of the narratives from the two contending groups, it comes as perplexing the reasons behind the sudden resurrecti­on of an issue that was laid to rest more than a year ago and ideally, ought to have become a done deal? There are two or three explanatio­ns to it, the first being the legality or constituti­onality of the legislator­s’ action. Were the legislator­s in the upper and lower chambers within their constituti­onal turf in tinkering with the Assembly’s conditions of service for its bureaucrac­y? The answer is: to the extent that the revised conditions of service was delivered through a motion passed by the legislator­s and NOT, by way of a Bill, to that extent was the action legal and constituti­onal. No two ways about that.

Yes, in a democratic system that upholds the doctrine of separation of powers between the three arms of government, each of the arms however enjoys a high degree of latitude and autonomy to regulate its internal operationa­l rules and guidelines without recourse to the other. While a law or an Act cannot be legal, without going through the constituti­onal process of passage by the legislatur­e followed by a presidenti­al assent, motions passed by the legislatur­e do not have to go to the President for them to be authoritat­ive and binding.

In looking at the issue in contention, we can draw from the Nigerian Judiciary which has increased the age of retirement for Judges and, the Executive’s action of extending the age of retirement for Professors. In the two instances, recourse was not made to the legislatur­e essentiall­y because, the two arms acted within their constituti­onal powers. Why then the hues and cries about a similar decision of the law makers in a matter that is strictly internal?

Also germane to the debate should be a probing of the benefits or otherwise that the increase in the retirement years for legislativ­e bureaucrac­y confers on the entire system. Simply the one vital defining feature that differenti­ates representa­tive democracy from autocracy or dictatorsh­ip of any form, the legislatur­e is a unique institutio­n that demands specialize­d training for its effective operation. As it is, the Nigerian experience with that important aspect of democratic governance has not evolved and matured along with the judiciary and executive components due to the long years of military dictatorsh­ip in the nation’s political history.

The groups that hinge their position on the necessity for a presidenti­al assent appear to consist of people suffering from the hangover of military despotism. They demonstrat­e a mindset of a command hierarchy of political authority where a Commander-in-Chief/ Head of State gives an order or decrees that are obeyed down the line by all arms, institutio­ns and agencies of government. On the other hand, the posture of the groups insisting that they Executive or the Presidency has nothing to do with the conditions of service for workers in the Legislativ­e Arm, is clearly, one that seeks to assert the universal doctrine of separation of powers, the independen­ce and in fact, the superiorit­y of the elected representa­tives of the people.

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