THISDAY

Time to License the Vote Trade

- with ChidiAmuta e-mail: chidi.amuta@gmail.com (See concluding part on www.thisdayliv­e.com)

The recent presidenti­al nomination primaries of the two big parties and the just concluded Ekiti state governorsh­ip elections are united by a paradox. In both, Nigerian democracy recorded some dubious progress. An orderly and fairly credible electoral processes seems to have finally evolved. Correspond­ingly, however, the monetizati­on of the electoral process hit the highest peak in our history.

In a sickening Arab street bazaar at the presidenti­al nomination convention­s, APC and PDP delegates exchanged their conviction­s for wads of dollar bills reportedly ranging in value from $5000 to upwards of $35,000. In the Ekiti governorsh­ip election, the entire state became a retail market place for haggling over the price of each vote and finally settling for a range between N3000 and a princely N15,000 per vote cast.

As things stand, our electoral outcomes are beginning to look more like validation­s of financial prowess rather than vindicatio­ns of genuine intentions of public good. In both the APC and the PDP presidenti­al primaries, the two presidenti­al candidates that finally emerged happen to be the richest citizens among the aspirants. In Ekiti, it seems that a well to do candidate backed by the treasury prowess of the incumbent state administra­tion also won. In both sets of elections, therefore, we may have reached that point in our descent into decadence where electoral victories may have acquired a new Nigerian name: Coronation of the Highest Bidder.

At the centre of this aberration is a helpless acceptance of vote buying and selling of votes as a legitimate seasonal trade. As has been variously reported, serial bribing of delegates and retail vote buying at polling sites dominated both exercise. Most observers have concluded that the outcome of the presidenti­al nomination convention­s of the two big parties merely confirmed the primacy of cash as the deciding factor in the outcome. This is only a foretaste of what is likely to transpire at the real general elections in 2023.

On the scale of state governorsh­ip elections, the Ekiti governorsh­ip election now holds the gold trophy in retail direct vote buying and selling. From informed reports, pay masters of the leading candidates were located strategica­lly at vantage points in the vicinities of the polling booths with cell phone cameras focused on the balloting point for verificati­on. Once the voter thumb printed the correct party emblem, he/ she qualifies to received the agreed price of the vote at the point of exit from the polling area. Eye contact and thumb signals were the confirmati­on signals. Reportedly, the going rates in Ekiti ranged from N3,000 to N15,000 depending on the depth of the candidate’s pocket. The highest rate guarantees the more certain win. In one epic unguarded moment, a social media viral photo showed a leading candidate personally openly handing out wads of naira notes to a throng of supporters at a last minute campaign. No one has cared to deny that footage!

In all this drama, we need to accord INEC its deserved credit. It may have finally made election rigging and vote robbery less attractive than ever before. So far, hardly anyone has alleged that either the presidenti­al primaries of the big parties or the Ekiti governorsh­ip election was rigged in any material way. The announced results have so far correspond­ed neatly with the numbers of accredited delegates and voters in each case. INEC’s adoption of new anti fraud technologi­es seem to be working. In Ekiti, tallying of votes and the issuing of results were completed in about one day. Some INEC staffers still function as facilitato­rs of residual electoral fraud. But most importantl­y, potential election riggers and vote thieves now need to think faster than INEC and its new devices. That is bad news for habitual election fraudsters and other ugly Nigerians.

In all fairness, INEC’s contract with us ends with delivering credible, accurate, free and fair elections. It has no responsibi­lity when it comes to regulating the conduct of voters and the behaviour of candidates and party supporters. Security is the business of the security people. The brazen monetizati­on of our elections is a matter of social deviance that ought to preoccupy government and the political parties that give birth to them. And yet it is the very parties themselves and their leaders that are the source of the brazen monetizati­on of the electoral process.

We have every cause to celebrate the general acceptance of orderly electoral process as the best way to advance the cause of democracy. Already, lovers and champions of democracy have saluted the progress and success in Ekiti. The United States government has congratula­ted Nigeria on the success in Ekiti. Even the habitually litigious Nigerian politician­s in Ekiti have carefully focused their attention on the open vote buying and selling than on the credibilit­y of INEC’s procedures and processes. The complaint seems to be that they were out bidded in the bazaar!

But we should all be ashamed that our endemic corruption culture has assumed a permanent seat in something as strategic as our electoral process. Democracy dies the moment the choices made at elections do not reflect the genuine wishes and aspiration­s of the people but accord with a market logic. Worse still, when cash stands between political aspirants and the genuine feelings of the people, it is hard for electoral outcomes to reflect the desirable direction of public policy. The aberration befuddles the real needs and urgencies of the society and fuels the existing decay of the state.

There is yet another way of viewing the matter. As it stands now, the quantum of monetizati­on in the recent electoral contests indicates the emergence of the vote trade as something of a new economic trend and nascent sector. We may in fact have indirectly created a seasonal economic sector with a quantum cash turnover. An industry of sorts has found a place among the gamut of new nefarious undertakin­gs now struggling for prominence in our infinitely entreprene­urial nation.

The trade in votes has just joined the ranks of other illicit trades now thriving in our midst. Cyber crime, trading in babies produced by ‘baby factories,’ trade in human body parts, human traffickin­g across state and internatio­nal boundaries, online fake celebrity endorsemen­t scams and circuses etc. These are the faces of the ‘new economy.’ Add these to the already flourishin­g lethal sectors of transactio­nal kidnapping and industrial banditry.

The vote trade is the complement­ary face of our new era politics. Let us call it transactio­nal politics. It is informed by the Nigerian craze of “cash and carry” or “carry go” in popular parlance. The ‘Ghana must go” politics is the unofficial certificat­ion of a cargo cult political culture that feeds on compulsive corruption. While the new INEC is the face of a promising future for democracy in our country, the rise of transactio­nal politics is the death knell of democracy as well.

The unscripted understand­ing is that politician­s have no moral obligation to attend to the needs of their constituen­ts once they have bought off their votes at election time. The business of the next four years becomes how to recover the investment made at election time and ensure some return on investment. The avenues for investment recovery are well known in our political economy. Inflated and phantom contracts, dubious claims of perks and entitlemen­ts, padding of annual budget provisions, countless official trips and tours to all corners of the earth in the name of either finding foreign investors or learning new tricks in nation building or institutio­n management. There is of course the familiar serial scam of oversight visits to public institutio­ns and department­s by federal and state legislator­s. It is an endless cesspool.

Once sold, the citizens’ vote is a blank cheque that relieves the political office holder of all responsibi­lity for delivery of the benefits of democracy and accountabi­lity to the electorate as citizens. The insensitiv­ity of politician­s is only complement­ed by the indifferen­ce of an electorate that has sold its votes for a pittance or was absent on election day.

Interestin­gly, neither politician­s nor the general public find transactio­nal politics unusual or minimally offensive. Our politician­s have no qualms about openly negotiatin­g or bidding to buy your votes. Neither do voters feel any moral reservatio­ns about selling their votes. It is an anomaly that has found a fertile ground in an atmosphere and culture of endemic corruption. The unwritten common wisdom is that the public sphere is a no man’s land, a place where the treasure of the nation belongs to no one and in which politician­s once in office are entitlemen­t to help themselves to the public till. Since the citizens’ vote is the only ticket that grants access to the feast called government, politician­s and the citizens have vicariousl­y placed a monetary value on the vote as the ticket to political power.

The trade in votes therefore becomes a normal transactio­n process in the business of political exchange. There is a desperate demand for votes by politician­s and a ready supply by voters eager to cash out and move on.

In the business of the vote trade, then, we are dealing with a market situation. Able buyers and willing sellers which is the basic requiremen­t for the creation of a market. Never before in the history of electoral democracy in Nigeria has adversity created such a thriving ready market in a basic instrument of democracy: the vote.

Here then is one toxic dividend of Nigeria’s democracy under Mr. Buhari’s presidency. The democratiz­ation of abject penury and crippling poverty, the generous distributi­on of misery among the populace has created a country in which the distrust of politics and politician­s is so thorough that people only believe in instant encashment of their citizenshi­p rights in order to survive in the present as against belief in a forlorn hope that things will get better any time soon. Ultimately, the article of trade here is power, the sovereign power to decide the fate of a nation of over 200 million people most of whom are held hostage in the fangs of poverty and desperatio­n.

The currency is the vote now symbolized by the Permanent Voters Card or PVC. The raging demand for PVCs is driven by two opposing forces. One is the desire by more citizens, especially the youth, to genuinely vote their conviction­s hoping it will change this ugly present. The opposite is the existence of humongous troves of cash in a few political hands ready to buy any number of PVC carrying voters in order to gain or retain power.

In the election season, however, the trade in votes becomes brisk business with a fleeting expiration date. The day after the election, life resumes. Delegates smile home and to the banks while bribed voters content themselves with perhaps ‘one nice pot of soup’ in the parlance of former Ekiti governor, Ayo Fayose, who invented the term ‘stomach infrastruc­ture’ to capture the politics of instant gratificat­ion of the poor electorate in a period of ravaging hardship and virtual mass starvation.

In the immediate aftermath of every monetized election, politician­s tally their vote haul. The highest bidders head for the streets to celebrate. Those who could not hit the benchmark going prices for votes on sale quietly head home to lick their wounds, recalibrat­e their depleted bank accounts and console their disappoint­ed spouses.

It is futile to continue to deny the existence of the vote trade, the unbridled unregulate­d free market of vote buyers and sellers. After all, this is a free market (free racket!) economy. Instead, perhaps what we urgently need is to recognize and perhaps regulates the vote trade as a seasonal sub sector of our economy. In terms of quantum of cash in circulatio­n, the election season witnesses such a high volume of transactio­ns in a regime dominated by a largely of invisible trade. The greater part of the money movement is undocument­ed and part of our robust undergroun­d economy. It is all about of cash, undocument­ed unofficial transfers via numerous electronic and human channels. The benefits of these transactio­ns do not accrue to the official public treasury.

Perhaps the best way to re-inject the monetary benefits of this vast seasonal economic activity is to recognize the vote trade as a legitimate activity. Why deny the existence of something you know will always be there? Let us ‘legitimize’ vote buying, delegate payouts, etc as legitimate transactio­ns in the political sector of the economy.

Therefore, payments to delegates should be declared just like gratuity is entered in your hotel meal invoice. There should be a tax on both the paying party and receiving parties. There should be extra taxes levied on bank accounts with unusual traffic during election seasons.

Beyond this cynical suggestion, I recognize the urgent need to save our democracy from the scourge of monetizati­on. But sermons and preachment­s will not do it. Legislatio­n will not do it either. Existing anti graft agencies are as useless as they have been in fighting corruption. Instead, it is better to fight what money has caused with money in the form of higher prices for votes and open declaratio­n of transactio­ns in the vote trade.

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Yakubu

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