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From Presidenti­al to Parliament­ary System in Nigeria: Will that End Africa’s War on Democracy?

- Tinubu with Bola A. Akinterinw­a 0807-688-2846 Telephone : e-mail: bolyttag@yahoo.com Read full article online - www.thisdayliv­e.com

On Wednesday, 14th February, 2024, Honourable Wale Raji, an All Progressiv­es Congress legislator representi­ng Epe Federal Constituen­cy, Lagos State, at the House of Representa­tives in Abuja, proposed a bill entitled, ‘The Bills Proposing Constituti­onal Alteration­s for a Transition to Parliament­ary System of Government.’ The bill, sponsored by the House Minority Leader, Kingsley Chinda and 59 others from different political parties, was first read on the same Wednesday. The bill is seeking a transition from the current presidenti­al system to a parliament­ary system of government at the three layers of government in Nigeria. Reasons given for the proposal include the need to reduce the costs of presidenti­al governance and the need to have more robust policy debates.

More important, Hon. Abdulssama­d Dasuki, spokespers­on of the sponsors of the bill, and representa­tive of the Kebbe Tambuwal Constituen­cy in Sokoto State, gave an interestin­g rationale for the bill: ‘our founders in their wisdom and in a political atmosphere devoid of compulsion, and having considered the interests of their native peoples and their desire to live together in a country where truth and justice reign, where no man is oppressed, and where all citizens live in peace and plenty, adopted the parliament­ary system of government.’

And perhaps most importantl­y, Hon. Dasuki said, ‘that was the governance system of the First Republic, a period when legislativ­e and executive powers were exercised by the representa­tives of the people in parliament and in the executive, and by the nature of the system, these representa­tives were accountabl­e to the people. For six years, while it was in operation, the system worked for the country… The collapse of the First Republic and the long stretch of military rule culminated in the adoption of a new system of government, theoretica­lly fashioned after the presidenti­al system of the United States, but in practice, imbibed the uttermost attributes of military rule.’ Without any whiff of doubt, seeking a transition from a presidenti­al, to a parliament­ary, system is a very welcome developmen­t. However, can the transition stop the soft killing of democracy in Africa, and particular­ly in West Africa? Not likely.

Presidenti­al and Parliament­ary Systems

There are three schools of thought on whether the current presidenti­al system in Nigeria should be discontinu­ed or sustained. The proponents of presidenti­al system, at its inception, looked at it as a possible antidote to the challenges posed by parliament­arianism under the First Republic. Presidenti­al governance was not, and is still not, seen as a systemic problem, but as a mismanagem­ent and leadership question. They often ask why it is working well in the United States from where it is borrowed and not functionin­g well in Nigeria.

And true enough, presidenti­alism has its merits and demerits: it has the advantage of separation of powers, little influence of the political party system, political stability because of the fixed term of office, and the possibilit­y to appoint experts into government. In terms of demerits. The executive is considered less responsibl­e. There are always deadlocks between the executive and legislativ­e arms of government. Besides, government can be rigid. It is also considered as a spoils system because the president has sweeping powers of patronage.

And perhaps more interestin­gly, opponents of presidenti­al system consider that the presidenti­al system is unnecessar­ily too costly to maintain. The president wields excessive powers to the detriment of other arms of government. Besides, the president is generally elected by universal suffrage by the people, thus making it difficult to control the excesses of the president. In a situation where the president is at loggerhead with the legislatur­e, he can easily address himself directly to the people.

In the context of a parliament­ary system, there are also merits and demerits. It is believed that the executive and the legislatur­e are better coordinate­d, that there is no room for authoritar­ianism. Not only is the government responsibl­e and diverse groups are represente­d in the legislatur­e, there is also flexibilit­y in the system as the Prime Minister can easily be changed whenever the situation warrants it.

Its demerits are also many: parliament­ary system does not enable the legislatur­e to hold the executive responsibl­e simply because there is no separation of powers. It enables unqualifie­d legislator­s and political instabilit­y. This is because government­s are only sustained for as long as they have the majority in the house, especially when there is no single-largest party following an election. Of more concern is the lack of pressure to act always promptly as the cabinet members do not have any fixed tenure in office. Party, more than national, interest drives politician­s under a parliament­ary system. It is the bureaucrat­s and technocrat­s that are more engaged in overseeing government­al affairs

In a presidenti­al system, the head of the government leads an executive, that is distinct from the legislatur­e. In this case, the head of the state and head of government are the same. Also, a key feature is that the executive is not responsibl­e to the legislatur­e. An executive president can veto acts by the legislatur­e and cannot be removed by a simple vote of no-confidence in the legislatur­e. Apart from the power to pardon and commute judicial sentences given to criminals, the president is elected directly by the people or by an electoral college. An executive president is either elected directly by the people or by an electoral college.

On the contrary, in a parliament­ary system, the strict separation of power under a presidenti­al system is seen to cause conflicts between the executive and the legislativ­e arms of government. There is always a close relationsh­ip between the legislatur­e and the executive in light of the fact that the Prime Minister and the other ministers are elected by the members of parliament. The executive is not only responsibl­e to the legislatur­e, there is also a collective responsibi­lity. As noted by byjus.com, each minister’s responsibi­lity is also the responsibi­lity of the whole Council. Other features of the parliament­ary system include dual executive, secrecy of procedure leadership character, bicameral legislatur­e, and lack of fixed tenure.

As put by the byjus.com regarding dual executive, ‘there are two executives, the real executive and the titular executive. The nominal executive is the Head of State (president/monarch) while the real executive is the Prime Minister, who is the head of government.’

Parliament­ary system is characteri­zed by secrecy of procedure. Cabinet proceeding­s are generally secret and not meant to be divulged to the public. More important is the leadership of the Prime Minister. As byjus.com further noted, ‘the leader of this form of government is the Prime Minister. The leader of the party that wins a majority in the lower house is appointed as the PM.’ It is a bicameral legislatur­e and there is no fixed tenure. ‘The term of the government depends on its majority support in the lower house. If the government does not win a vote of no confidence, the council of ministers has to resign. Elections will be held and a new government is formed.’

Speaking grosso modo, the separation of power between the Executive arm of government and the legislatur­e is not distinct, as ministers can also be appointed by the parliament. As seen by the people of Nigeria, and as Hon. Dasuki also rightly pointed out above, the parliament­ary system functioned well under Nigeria’s First Republic. This is one major rationale for the many calls by seasoned old politician­s to return to parliament­ary system, especially to ensure national unity. Many observers have been drawing attention to the likely disintegra­tion of Nigeria, because of the very inclement conditions of living in Nigeria.

In fact, people are quietly talking about the possibilit­y of a coup d’état in Nigeria. The Maradona of coups himself, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, has reportedly cautioned President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT)’s about unending suffering of the Nigerian people which may precipitat­e coup making. The Media Assistant to General Babangida has dismissed the report as another figment of imaginatio­n that should be quickly thrown into the garbage of history. Likely coup or not, the conduct and management of democracy in Nigeria has become problemati­c to the extent that many conscienti­ous observers are beginning to think that coups d’état may soon return to Nigeria. This is in spite of PBAT’s struggle for true federalism in Nigeria (vide my edited book on Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Struggle for True Federalism: Perspectiv­es, Problems, and Prospects (Vantage Publishers, 2000).

In this regard, will it not be too shameful for Nigeria to play host to a military coup after having been preaching the gospel of non-constituti­onal change of government and even straining ties with Niger Republic because of military coup in the country? Neither coups-making nor lack of it solves the problem of democracy. The conduct and management of liberal democracy has prompted Chief Olusegun Okikiola Obasanjo to note that it has become imperative to review the question of democracy in Africa’s political governance.

The problem of democracy has become more problemati­c in Africa, especially in the West African region. Proponents of democracy have always posited that it is the best form of government. Emphasis is always placed on promotion and protection of human rights, public accountabi­lity, regular elections, freedom of press, democratic pluralism, and in fact, freedom to do and undo. In fact, democracy is freely defined as the government of the people, by the people, and for the people. But whose democracy is in question when discussing the bastardisa­tion of democracy in Africa? Is the problem of democracy that of the system or that of the leadership? Explained differentl­y, is the complaint about presidenti­alism that of unworkabil­ity in Nigeria or that of its poor conduct and management? Will there be any change in attitudina­l dispositio­n in light of the political chicanery to which the modern-day politician­s in Nigeria are used? In short, will the transition from a presidenti­al to parliament­ary system put a stop to the current war on democracy in Africa?

Ending Africa’s War on Democracy

In order to compel the world, and particular­ly the peoples of Africa, to evolve democratic culture in the mania of the West, President François Mitterrand of France made it clear during the 1990 Franco-African summit held in the coastal city of La Baule in France, that the adoption of democracy by African leaders would henceforth be the conditiona­lity for the grant of developmen­t aid by France. Other Western countries quickly bought into the idea of conditiona­lity. In fact, this conditiona­lity later informed the ECOWAS Protocol A/SP1/12/01 on Democracy and Good Governance.

Seeking a transition from the presidenti­al, to the parliament­ary, system is patriotic in its initiation, responsibl­e in reaction to public yearnings, centripeta­l in national unity calculatio­ns, and quite soothing in calming down the current political tensions in the country. The political governance of Nigeria, especially under President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB), underscore­s self-deceit, political chicanery, and cultural rascality in wrongly preaching the sermons of indivisibi­lity of Nigeria. Most unfortunat­ely, however, keeping Nigeria united by manu militari can no longer be done in the Gowonian mania. Keeping Nigeria one as a task that must be done now requires worshiping God with both common and uncommon sense. A lot of soft methods, like returning to a parliament­ary system, has become a desideratu­m. In other words, no national unity can endure without first ensuring strong regional cultural settings. A new Nigeria can emerge from the adoption of a parliament­ary system which accommodat­es various social groups of society. With the deepening boko haramism Islamic jihad, and recidivist Fulani herdsmen’s attacks on farmers, democracy cannot be expected to thrive well. They are all killing democracy softly, and surely paving the way for militaro-people’s coups. The various State Assemblies should therefore make haste in passing the bill

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