Single Party Structure Won’t Work
Idon’t think the founding fathers of this country wanted a single party structure. Not at all. They were aware of our adversity as a people. I don’t think a single political party or tribe or group can pocket this country for long. Any attempt to try it, will end in futility no matter the desperation. Yes the founding fathers went to London to seek independence, but they went divided. They had their own prejudices even while requesting for independence. They played cat and mouse game. They went to London under different slogans, proposals and prayers but none of them wanted a single party structure.
The Constitutional conference held between May 23 to June 26, 1957 in Lancaster House in London, and presided over by the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Lennox-Boyd was anything but “cordial”.
Even before the conference, division was apparent. Till today the division still exists.
Chief Anthony Eromosele Enahoro (22 July 1923 – 15 December 2010) from Uromi in Edo state of the then Action Group had moved a motion on March 31st, 1953 during budget sessions in the federal house, Lagos on behalf of his party and was seconded by Chief Festus Olawoyin Awosika(1911-1965), the Bajulaiye of Ondo Kingdom on self government, at the Parliament before the London Conference.
In moving the motion, Chief Enahoro declared “Mr. President, sir, I rise to move the motion standing in my name, “that this House accepts as a primary political objective the attainment of self-government for Nigeria in 1956”.
Sir, this motion is an invitation to the Honourable Members of this House to associate the highest legislature of our land with the expressed desire of the peoples of this country, whose views we all represent, for political autonomy in 1956. It seeks to provide representatives from all parts of the country with an opportunity to exchange views on the most burning question of our time. It is an invitation to this House to make a declaration of objective with regard to Nigerian freedom.
I do not propose, sir, to go into the arguments for self-government because I am satisfied that it is generally accepted on all sides of the House that self-government for this country at some future date is a desirability. Therefore I propose to deal with this motion in two main parts and very briefly –namely, of what significance is such a declaration of objective and secondly, why should the objective be 1956? Sir, I believe that a declaration of objective by this House has become a matter of supreme importance in our march towards self-government. For the time being, this Legislature is the supreme voice of the people of this country, although not all majority decisions which have been taken in this House in the past could hope to survive the test of a referendum. It is essential, in my view, to assess why a formal motion of this nature the honest feelings of various sections of the House and to discover to what extent these feelings may truly reflect the aspirations of the politically conscious citizens of this country”.
Self-government is after all, sir, a subject on which it is of the first importance that people should believe rightly, and I cannot overstress the great inspiration and succour which various political parties in this country would derive there from if the demand for self-government in 1956 were to enjoy the full force of the backing of the highest legislature of the country”. 1956 is a convenient date, especially when the other two reasons are added, 1956 marked the end of the Macpherson Constitution. I therefore beg to move”.
The motion led to riots in Kano thereafter which broke out in the ancient city in May 1953. The nature of the riot was clashes between Northerners who were opposed to Nigeria’s Independence and Southerners, made up of mainly the Yorubas and the Igbos who supported immediate independence for Nigeria. The riot that lasted for four days claimed many lives of the Southerners and Northerners and many others were wounded.
Chief Awosika was elected into the Western House of Assembly in 1951. He was later elected into the House of Representatives on January 10, 1952 along with Prince Adeleke Adedoyin alias SERIKI TULASI,
Dr. I. Nimbe, K. Momoh, J.G. Ako, S.O. Ighodaro, E.A. Babalola, Tony Enahoro, Moyo Aboderin, C.A. Tewe, F. Agidee and A.O. Ogedengbe.
Others elected were T.A. Odutola, T. Akinbiyi, O. Akeredolu-Ale, J. Oroge and Alhaji Dauda Adegbenro.
In 1954, he was appointed the central Minister of Works. On October 18, 1955, he became the Minister of Finance in the Western Region, succeeding Chief Obafemi Awolowo GCFR, who later became Premier of the Western Region.
However on May 27, 1956, Chief Awosika was among the four Ministers that were defeated in the general elections to the House of Assembly. Others who lost in the election were S.O. Ighodaro, Minister of Health, Mr. Augustus Meredith Adisa Akinloye, Minister of Agriculture and Natural Resources and J.F. Odunjo, Minister of Lands. A parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Education, Mr. Kessington Momoh was also defeated.
One of them who lost the election Samuel Osarogie Ighodaro born on March 21, 1911 later served as Minister of Justice and Attorney- General, Western Region, 195963. He quit politics and served as Senior Lecturer, University of Lagos, 1966-67; appointed Judge, High Court of Midwestern Region (now Edo State), 1968-73; and later became the Iyase of Benin.
Four other Ministers were elected: Chief Anthony Enahoro, Minister of Home Affairs, Mr. Jonathan Olawale Odebiyi, Minister of Education, Mr. I.O.O. Oshuntokun, Minster of Works and Chief C.D. Akran.
In 1957, the Osemawe of Ondo, Oba Tewogboye II made Chief Awosika, the Bajulaiye of Ondo Kingdom.
The Northern leaders objected to the motion. The motion angered them. They fought back instantly.
In his book titled “MY LIFE”, the NPC leader then, Sir Ahmadu Bello (12 June 1910- 15 January 1966), who later became the Premier of Northern Nigeria recounted what happened on page 118 of the book, on March 31st, 1953. He declared “his seconder, Awosika contributed nothing at all to the question. He seemed obsessed by the ‘slavery angle’ and addressed us on the desirability of self government in general, a matter on which we were all at least in warm agreement and which we required no exhortation.
The question was proposed by the President, and at that point, I am afraid, I rather put the cat among the pigeons by moving an amendment to substitute ‘as soon as practicable’ for the date ‘1956’. This is what I said: we from the Northern Region never intended, nor do we intend, to retard the progress of any Region. Nor do we say that those who demand self-government, if it is for their own Region alone, are wrong. Far from it. For, after all, every community is the best judge of its own situation. In this regard, Mr. President, the people of the North are the best judges of their own situation and we feel that in our present situation we cannot commit ourselves to fixing a date for the attainment of self-government. We are fully aware of all the implications involved and we want to make it abundantly clear that the destiny of the North is in the hands of the people of the North.
We of the North wish our form of self-government, once granted, to be such that its attainment should give us no cause for eventual regret. It would be very unwise, Sir, if, before we fix a date for attainment of self-government for Nigeria, we do not think of the condition of things obtaining in this country today. It is true that we politicians always delight in talking loosely about the unity of Nigeria. Sixty years ago, there was no country called Nigeria. What is now Nigeria consisted of a number of large and small communities all of which were different in their outlooks and beliefs. The advents of the British and of the Western education has not materially altered the situation and these many and varies communities have not knit themselves into a composite unit. Sir, whatever Nigerians may say, the British people have done them a great service by bringing all the different communities of Nigeria together.
The great day came with the introduction of the Richards’s Constitution in 1947 when, for the first time in our history, indigenous citizens of the North sat side by side with the South to legislate for one Nigeria and share in the discussion of Nigeria affairs. That was in 1947. Meanwhile, Sir, our comrades in the South had been taking part in the discussion of their own affairs in the Legislature as far back as 1922.
Sir, the 1947 Constitution was to last nine years, very probably in order to give the North sufficient time to learn. That Constitution, Sir, was revised after the North had gained only two years’ experience and now we have a Constitution which has been barely a year in existence. I must say here, Mr. President, motions like the one which I am now trying to amend, are deliberately designed to destroy the happy interRegional relationship which the present Constitution is rapidly building up. Though I realize that motions of this nature are merely an expression of opinion, yet I feel that they can serve no purpose other than doing harm and causing ill-feeling. I have my reasons for so saying. For many years the outside world has been led to regard Northern Nigeria as a back-ward country, where all the people are conservative to the extreme and unreceptive of modern ideas. One has only to read the local papers and to remember utterances made by some Southern Nigerians in the past for a confirmation of my statement.
Before we commit ourselves and the people we represent in such matters, we must, I repeat, we must seek the mandate of the country. As representatives of the people, we from the North feel that in all major issues such as this one, we are in duty bound to consult those we represent, so that when we speak we know we are voicing the views of the nation. If the Honourable Members from the West and East speak to this motion unamended, for their people, I must say here and now, Sir, that we from the North have been given no such mandate by our people. No Honourable Member can therefore criticize the Northern Legislators for refusing to associate themselves with such an arbitrary motion fixing, as it does, a definite date for the attainment of national self-government. We in the North are working very hard towards self-government although we ar late in assimilating Western education.
It is our resolute intention to build our development on sound and lasting foundations so that thy will be lasting.
With things in their in their present state in Nigeria, the Northern Region does not intend to accept the invitation to commit suicide. Unless we Nigerians can prove to ourselves and to the world outside what we want, I cannot see how people can be expected to regard our demand seriously. It is not uncommon for people in this country, for a group of people to sit together and demand self government. Some are even demanding it now, immediately.
Any country which accepts self-government must do so with its eyes wide open and the problem, therefore, of one section of the country imposing its will on the others does not arise. I move this amendment, which, in my humble opinion, is much more appropriate if the question of self government for Nigeria is at all to be discussed at this stage. I do so, Sir, without any fear or misgivings that if the original motion were to be carried, it would automatically be binding on all Regions. Far from it! As I said earlier in my remarks, a private member’s motion is intended primarily to give that member and others an opportunity of expressing their views on a given subject.
Numberless motions of this nature will not achieve self-government for the un-unified Nigeria. Self-government for Nigeria can be demanded and obtained only when its meaning is fully understood by all the mass of this country. Let all the implications be thrashed out and agreement reached by the leading citizens of all three Regions. This is the primary objective to which we have addressed ourselves and, in doing so, to show to the country our fitness to discharge the heavy responsibility we have begun to assume. Then, once this objective has been attained, we will be on the safe side in demanding self-government”.
Thereafter the London Conference was held to decide Nigeria’s independence.
Those who went for the London Conference later were, from the Action Group- Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, Mr. I.J. Dosunmu, Mr. E.O. Eyo, Mr. S.O. Ighodaro, Mr. S.G. Ikoku, Mr. A.O. Lawson, Mr. A. Rosiji and Chief F.R.A. Williams. Dr. E.M.I. Endeley, Galega,Fon, of Bali and Mr.J.T. Ndze from the Cameroun National Congress, Mr. J.N. Foncha from the Cameroun National Congress, Mr. P.M. Kale from the Cameroun People’s Party all attended.
From the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons were Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe GCFR, Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu, Mr. T.O.S. Benson, Dr. S.E. Imoke, Dr.K.O. Mbadiwe, Mr. R.A. Njoku, Dr. Michael I. Okpara, Mr. D.C. Osadebey, Mr. Babatunde Olowofoyeku and Dr. Sanya Onabamiro. From the Northern Elements Progressive Union were Mallam Aminu Kano and Mallam Ibrahim Imam. From the Northern People’s Congress, they were Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa GCFR, Alhaji Aliyu Makama of Bida, Alhaji Isa Kaita, Alhaji Muhammadu Ribadu and Alhaji Inuwa Wada.
Others were Mr. H. Biriye from Rivers state, Mr. J.S. Tarka from the United Middle Belt Congress and Dr. Udo Udoma of the United National Independence Party. The Northern region had the Emir of Kano, Sir Muhammadu Sanusi and the Emir of Katsina, Sir Usman Nagogo, the Western region had the Ooni of Ife, Sir Adesoji Aderemi, Olowo of Owo, Sir Olateru Olagbegi, Alake of Egbaland, Oba Sir Ladapo Samuel Ademola (1872–1962), the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti, Oba Daniel Anirare Aladesanmi II and the Eastern region had Chief Nyong Essien of Uyo at the meeting.
The governments in Nigeria were represented by Sir James Robertson, Sir Bryan Sharwood-Smith, Sir John Rankine, Sir Robert Stapledon and Sir J.O. Field, commissioner of the Cameroons.
The United Kingdom was represented by Mr. Alan Lennox-Boyd, the Earl of Pearth, Sir John Macpherson, Sir Hilton Poyynton, Sir John Martin, Mr. C.G. Eastwood, Mr. A.R. Thomas, Mr. H.T. Bourdilon, Mr. A.N. Galworthy and Mr. T.B. Williamson.
Advisers at London talks included Chief S.J. Amachree, Chief R. Edukugho, Mr A.J.U. Ekong, Mr. R.A. Fani-Kayode and Mr. J. Olawoyin from the Action Group, Mr. V.E. Mukete all from the Cameroon National Congress, Mr. A.N. Jua(Cameroun National Democratic Party), Mr. N.N. Mbile(Cameroun People’s Party), Mr. P.A. Afolabi, Chief Kolawole Balogun, Mrs. M.Ekpo, Dr. C. Obi, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh and Mr. J.T. Otobo—all from the National Council of Nigeria and the Camerouns.
Zana Bukar Dipcharima, Abba Habib, Shettima Kashim and Mr. G.U. Ohikere represented the National People’s Congress, Mr. P.Dokotri (United Middle Belt Congress), Mr. Okoi Arikpo(United National Independence Party), Chiefs –Northern region—Aliyu Obaja, Attah of Igala, Sir Ralph Grey, Mr. E.I.G. Unsworth,Mr. F.D.C. Williams, Mr. C.S.K. Bovell, Mr. P.H.G. Scott, Mr. H.H. Marshall, Lt-Colonel E.C. Aderton, Mr. J.O. Udoji, Mr. D.O. Ibekwe, Mr. E.G. Stumpenhuson, Mr. Simeon O. Adebo, Mr. M.G. de Winton, Mr. F.A. Williams and Mr. J. Murray.