REMEMBERING THE DARK DAYS OF MILITARY RULE

sometime in 1998 — two years after Kaltho had gone missing — was that Kaltho had died while trying to plant a bomb at Durbar Hotel, Kaduna. Kaltho was cast as an agent of NADECO who died from mishandling that bomb. All our follow-up questions went unanswered or ignored.

When the Durbar incident happened on January 18, 1996, the then Kaduna deputy commissioner of police, Alhaji Umaru Suleiman, had said the “bomber” was burnt beyond recognition. “Anyone who tells you that the body can be identified is lying,” he said emphatically. However, a picture of Kaltho’s corpse that was shown to us by Biu two years later was highly recognisable: no burns on his face. The late Mr. Young Arabamen, then police PRO, dismissed our questions with contempt: “There is no contradiction… Suleiman’s statement was on-the-spot assessment while what Biu told the country is a full-scale investigation which himself and his team carried out… you don’t wallow in speculation.”

Before Abacha, Nigerian journalists lived through the dictatorships of Gen Muhammadu Buhari and Gen Ibrahim Babangida. For instance, in 1984, The Guardian reported an exclusive story on ambassadorial postings. Mr Nduka Irabor and Mr Tunde Thompson, who authored the story, were arrested. While cooling their feet in detention, the Buhari government quickly enacted Decree No 4 (Protection of Public Officers Against False Accusations) and jailed them. Although Babangida abolished Decree No 4 when he came to power in 1985, no government closed down more media houses than his own “liberal” government — but

Abacha surpassed him in attacks and killings.

The military era was when those who disagreed with government policies were classified as “radicals”. Dr Patrick Wilmot, a Jamaican academic who taught sociology at the ABU, Zaria, was deported for his political views. Chief Gani Fawehinmi, the legendary social crusader, was arrested and detained times without number. He was once arrested in Lagos at night, taken by road to Gashua (Yobe state), and detained in the nation’s oldest and hottest prison cell. By the way, Gashua by road was a 24-hour trip. Defenceless Nigerians were mowed down on the streets for protesting over harsh economic conditions. Maybe we need to be reminded of these military evils every now and then.

Whenever I hear some Nigerians canvass for a return to military rule, I pinch myself to be sure I am awake. Some people are eternally bitter over the 2023 presidential election and think the solution to their problem is a coup. “If I won’t have it, let no one else do!” The coup campaign was so loud that the military hierarchy had to deny plotting one. I would not have cared about the coup baiters if it was just the social media generation who were high on the initial smoke emanating from Niger Republic, but I became alarmed when my contemporaries and those far older than I am started entertaining the thought. God is so kind that he doesn’t allow us to retain memories of pain forever.

What I have recounted today, triggered by the unlawful arrest and detention of Olatunji, are the events pertaining mostly to the media under military rule. I can write a whole book on how activists were tortured, how protesters were massacred with evidence of dead bodies riddled with bullets, and how the general populace was subjected to perpetual fear, anxiety and humiliation by the jackboots. If we retain memories of pain, no right-thinking person will seek a return to military rule, not even as a joke. They are not in power and are still assaulting our rights so brutally. If they can do this under democracy, imagine what they will do if they are fully in charge and their word is law.

Someone said if the military were in power, we would have conquered Boko Haram, banditry and oil theft long ago. Not so fast. Mali has been under military rule since 2021 and Burkina Faso since 2022. Militants are still operating massively over there. Niger Republic recently lost dozens of soldiers. One of the many justifications for the coups in these countries was that the civilian governments could not contain insecurity, in addition to harsh economic conditions. But are their citizens safer, richer and freer today? More so, who is fighting insurgents and bandits in Nigeria? Is it not the military? What would they do differently if they were in power? Level up communities with nuclear bombs?

I often hear a barbaric statement made by many otherwise respected Nigerians that we need a “Jerry Rawlings” to come and kill all Nigerian leaders, past and present. In 1979, Rawlings, an air force officer, seized power in Ghana and executed eight military officers and three former heads of state for corruption. Some say, unabashedly, that this is what Nigeria needs to do to be able to fight corruption — as if the Nigerian coup leaders will be saints. You would be forced to think corruption has ended in Ghana or that Ghana has become Singapore because of the mass executions. This warped street logic has curtailed the ability of otherwise intelligent Nigerians to think rationally.

There is no doubt that our democracy has not delivered the desired dividends to the majority of Nigerians since the return to civil rule in 1999. We are still soaked in poverty and disease. We are struggling daily to get a few hours of power supply. We are clearly in the grip of insecurity, north and south. Public infrastructure is still in a dire state everywhere. Frauds and scams in government are getting bigger by the day. All these problems and challenges are enough to frustrate Nigerians. I myself am frustrated. But before 1999, the military ruled Nigeria for 29 out of 39 post-Independence years and the country was not exactly El Dorado, neither was the system free of corruption.

This is my message to the coup baiters: the military can never be the solution to our problems, no matter the fantasy in your heads. We have been ruled by them before. Countries currently being ruled by the military have not become better than Nigeria. Our first instinct should be to protect and promote our democracy. It has a self-cleansing mechanism which we must engage with in our quest for a better Nigeria. We should never seek a return to the era when our civil liberties were trampled upon, and when we had no right to seek redress. Our democracy, despite its failings and ailments, still gives us a voice. We don’t have to lose it before we value it. Thank God, Olatunji returned alive.