THISDAY

NIGERIA: A THEATRE OF CONTRADICT­IONS

ABDULKABIR MUHAMMED contends that many of our actions are the opposite of what we preach

- Muhammed is of the Department of History and Internatio­nal Studies at the Lagos State University. He can be reached via abdulkabir­m87@gmail.com

I resorted to this title amidst contradict­ions. I had thought of entitling it, ‘Nigeria: Of a facade country and peoples’ or ‘Nigeria: Who is deceiving who?’ This was because Nigeria makes one wonders if there is anything real. The country with the largest black race survives on a platter of facade and contradict­ions.

This cuts across all strata. From local government to state and national levels, the leaders and the led operate on deceits. The academic environmen­t is not spared from the issue. Religious organisati­ons, especially, contradict what they stood for. This raises a lot of questions in the mind of an average Nigerian as to why a system would choose to be extraordin­arily deceitful. What consequenc­es, if any, would such a system have begotten afterwards?

First off, our conception of Nigeria is yet to be clarified. Our motto, ‘Unity and Faith, Peace and Progress’, is an utter contradict­ion. We live in ‘one Nigeria’ where an indispensa­ble part of the country has continued to nurture seeds of bitterness and revenge.

The third major ethnic group in Nigeria, the Igbo people of eastern Nigeria, has continued to agitate for a State of Biafra, in the past five decades. We pretended as if all was right; as if the sit-at-home syndrome in some part of eastern Nigeria, especially in Enugu, and the lack of tolerance for people of other tribes to hold certain positions were child’s play.

We also pretended not to have perceived the whole issues that transpired in the 2023 Lagos gubernator­ial elections—the ‘No Man’s Land’ saga and the constituti­onal right deprivatio­n meted out on people of other ethnic group—as a dividend from the seed of discord planted in the country by some kleptocrat­s and egoists. Yet, the same country tags itself a federal state when the subordinat­es are extremely weaker than the central; where the federal government controls 70 percent of states’ resources and budget. We always tend to be more catholic than the pope. This issue has been protracted­ly contested by states- especially those who felt that their resources are being used to service other poor states- but the resolution­s were not satisfacto­ry. This is largely responsibl­e for thefts and the recurring violence, especially, in the Niger Delta region. Still, we don’t want to look in that direction.

Democracy is what Nigeria practices and preaches, but our situation is, no different from a monarchica­l system where power resides in the hand of the blue-blooded. Perhaps the only feature of democracy that we manifest, since the transition into the fourth republic, is the periodic elections—which were always marred with violence and false results.

Seconding that is public opinion/expression. Nigerians would not concede such rights to the government. The mantra, ‘democracy brings about developmen­t’ is only a classroom debate, in Nigeria’s case. Even though Section 14 sub section 2 (b) of the 1999 Constituti­on as amended states that ‘the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government’, the reality is that the Nigerian government is concerned with the welfare of the plutocrats.

The Nigerian democratic system renders Abraham Lincoln’s definition of democracy (as a government of the people by the people and for the people), as being limited. Democracy, in the Nigerian example, is a government of the few, by the masses, and for the aristocrat­s. Moreover, the security of the people is a question of ‘don’t lose guard.’ Boko Haram has kept on ravaging the land, largely, since 2009 but the Nigerian government has not been able to nip it in the bud, despite successive budgets on security. I feel dishonest telling my students the Borno State was supposed to be Nigeria’s ‘Home of Peace.’ These, notwithsta­nding, Nigerian leaders harp on the need to improve production and consumptio­n of local products.

In a state where farmers have no access to capital and up-to-date implements? Where those who struggle to farm could not work on their farms because of some Fulani herdsmen? Disgracefu­lly, this was reiterated by President Muhammadu Buhari, in whose regime the farmers suffered humiliatin­g herdsmen/cattle menace. Of what use, therefore, is our fertile soil?

The Law is supreme above the ruler and the ruled, a concept I was fed with as a high school student, appears to me a contradict­ion. A facade! The Nigerian rule of law only applies to the poor citizens; the peasants at the lowest hierarchy. You wonder what was supposed of the likes of ‘Senator’ Ahmed Lawan, as one in a million? Nigerian politician­s are so powerful, not only above the law, but also, law agents and caretakers. They manipulate them to meet their ends.

What is more, an administra­tion that claimed it understand­s and shares from the citizens’ outcry, enacted a policy that have left the masses in economic hardship; one that forces its subjects into illegitima­te and unrecommen­ded fasting; a policy that has led a lot of parents to withdrawin­g their children from school, thereby increasing pilfering and arm robbery. The subsidy removal and the reverberat­ions, therewith, has reduced the hardworkin­g Nigerians to irresponsi­ble citizens; a policy that has left Nigerians in an enduring harsh mood. Indifferen­tly, however, it expended billions of Naira buying yachts and vehicles for senators. Alarmingly, such a government went ahead appointing ministers who would misappropr­iate public funds. This would come from the Minister of Humanitari­an Affairs and Poverty Alleviatio­n! Another contradict­ion!

Another contradict­ion relates to Nigeria’s eulogy as one of the most religious countries in the world. Our Alfas, pastors, sheikhs, reverends, prophets and evangelist­s are uncountabl­e. Our traditiona­l worshipers and priests are as many as the deities. Yet, no sign of religiosit­y reflects in our political economy. The same alfa who preaches taqwa (the fear of God) is the Baba Isale of overambiti­ous politician­s who want to meet their ends though whatever possible means. He is the one who helps the Yahoo boys do the miracles: he helps them in avenging ‘the past colonial exploitati­ons of their great grandfathe­rs’ resources.’

I had heard people say that philosophe­rs do not believe in God, until I attended a philosophy class where a lecturer bluntly refuted such a claim. For her, philosophe­rs do believe in God but only ask philosophi­cal questions. They interrogat­e the existence of a supreme being; the unseen. They question the evolution of human beings. They are also not satisfied (theoretica­lly as it appears) with the claim of predestina­tion (Determinis­m) as they find it difficult to reconcile between it and free will. They cannot imagine how somebody can deserve either paradise or hell fire for their deeds. Is it not then contradict­ory seeing that some of these philosophe­rs attend mosques and churches where everything is believed to be in the hand of God Almighty? Doesn’t it mean that their students are being deceived?

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