Muscat Daily

The aftermath: Winners and losers in Iran’s retaliatio­n against Israel

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On April 13, Iran responded to Israel’s April 1 bombardmen­t of its consulate in Damascus in which seven senior Revolution­ary Guard members, including two generals, lost their lives. Iran’s retaliatio­n, launched from its territory, involved dozens of UAVS and cruise missiles. Even though the ordnance was impressive numericall­y speaking, almost all were intercepte­d by Israel’s Iron Dome and allied air defence systems, resulting in no casualties.

Tehran’s advocates in the region highlight that this is the first time Iran has targeted Israel directly without resorting to its regional proxies. Irrespecti­ve of the impact of such a decision on Tehran’s modus operandi, this episode uncovered many winners and losers.

2 winners

The biggest winner of this move is Israel, especially Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. In recent weeks, Netanyahu has irritated many of his usual supporters in Western political circles. Netanyahu used the opportunit­y presented by Iran’s retaliatio­n to refresh the Western pledge to continue backing Israel militarily and politicall­y.

Through this message to the United States and key European countries, which have been unwavering­ly supporting Israel since the beginning of the war, Netanyahu successful­ly deflected discussion­s of his political fate and his genocidal undertakin­g in Gaza, which last month drew harsh criticism from US Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer.

Iran emerged as the other winner by salvaging its tarnished reputation in the eyes of its domestic public and sympathize­rs across the Middle East. Had Iran not retaliated against Israel’s attack or merely brushed it off with a few highly symbolic Hezbollah strikes in northern Israel, its credibilit­y would have been severely questioned, and its classical pretext of ‘avoiding regional escalation’ would not have worked. For Iran, this face-saving measure seemed to solve the problem.

Moreover, Iran reiterated that its retaliatio­n was in response to the consulate attack, referencin­g Article 51 of the UN Charter in its statement, thereby maintainin­g its commitment to avoid the war in Gaza, as promised to the US in the weeks following October 7.

So it positioned this move as outside the context of the IsraelPale­stine conflict and stressed that retaliatio­n should be perceived as such.

Who lost?

The civilians who face Israel’s genocidal undertakin­g in Gaza are on the losing side, as this episode shifted the world’s attention and redirected the role of villain to Iran.

Questions and speculatio­ns arise about potential Israeli strikes on Iranian nuclear sites and how Iran might respond to such attacks or how it will keep its regional weight on the ground alive through its proxies in Syria and Iraq. Such discussion­s move the spotlight from Gaza to another subject and risk reducing the Western media’s attention to and awareness of civilian casualties and various other war crimes. Tehran was thus played by Tel Aviv, providing the latter a much-needed escape valve in the war of narratives that Israel was losing. Furthermor­e, Israel, buoyed by the reassuranc­e of Western pro-israel bias, may feel unleashed to commit new war crimes.

Inseparabl­e trio

While Iran’s retaliatio­n may not have been a complete response to Israel’s consulate attack, it did earn a reputation­al advantage among sympathize­rs in the region, especially within the so-called Axis of Resistance. Tehran reinforced its image as an actor capable of directly striking Israel, a feat only accomplish­ed by Saddam Hussein during the 1990-1991 Gulf War.

By the same token, Tehran’s emboldened status allows Israel to secure ongoing political and military support from the West, ensuring continued US presence.

This tripartite liaison reveals much about regional geopolitic­s, highlighti­ng how the inseparabl­e trio, represente­d by the US, Iran, and Israel, are detrimenta­l to the Palestinia­n cause.

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