Oman Daily Observer

India and China nervous spectators in Lanka crisis

- BHUVAN BAGGA

ival Asian giants India and China are anxiously watching the constituti­onal conflict between contending prime ministers in Sri Lanka to see whose interests get the upper hand in their own strategic battle.

It is the second time in barely a month that the Indian Ocean has become a battlegrou­nd between the powers, after the Maldives’ hotly disputed presidenti­al election saw the eviction of a pro-chinese leader. Both may be minnows compared to the two giant neighbours that loom over it to the north.

But they sit on the key sea trade and oil routes from Asia to the Middle East and Europe making them vital strategic interests for the rival powers.

New Delhi and Beijing insist that they are watching from outside the political ring as Sri Lanka’s ousted prime minister Ranil Wickremesi­nghe slugs it out with Mahinda Rajapakse, the island’s former leader named to take over by the president. But the stakes are high.

“With parliament suspended and all the political trickery between the two sides, the growing tensions are a worry for India and China,” said an Asian diplomat in Colombo.

China was quick to deny an accusation by a lawmaker from Wickremesi­nghe’s party this week that it was paying for Rajapakse’s attempts to win over rival deputies.

“Groundless and irresponsi­ble,” said a frosty Chinese embassy statement in response to the allegation­s.

The constituti­onal crisis pits two very different characters against each other.

Wickremesi­nghe is a soft-spoken reformist technocrat and free market proponent seen as wary of China’s often one-sided economic deals and less suspicious of India.

Rajapakse is a seasoned political bruiser, deeply charismati­c but tainted by an authoritar­ian decade in power that culminated in a ruthless military campaign against Tamil Tiger rebels which ended a decades long civil war but killed some 40,000 civilians and saw widespread atrocities.

He was also much closer to Beijing — billions of dollars of Chinese investment flowed into Sri Lankan infrastruc­ture during his administra­tion ranging from roads and ports to land reclamatio­n in Colombo.

Maithripal­a Sirisena, the final key character in Sri Lanka’s current political crisis trinity, vowed to change all that when he beat Rajapakse in a 2015 presidenti­al election and put Wickremesi­nghe in charge of the government.

That should have encouraged India, which is desperate to stop China expanding its economic and military footprint in the Indian Ocean and other backyard states such as Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal.

But Wickremesi­nghe found the battle against Sri Lanka’s huge foreign debt too much. Last year his government gave a 99-year lease on the Hambantota deepsea port to China because it was unable to repay Beijing’s loans for the $1.4 billion project. It was forced to deny US claims that China could set up a military base at the port.

Many analysts see Sri Lanka riding a tightrope between India and China no matter who wins the power struggle in Colombo.

“They have been pulled into a perverse relationsh­ip with the Asian giants that none of the political parties can rectify easily,” Samir Saran, president of the Observer Research Foundation thinktank in New Delhi, said.

But, Guo Xuetang, Director of the South Asian and Indian Ocean Research Centre at Shanghai University, said “small countries” like Sri Lanka and the Maldives do not want to be anyone’s client state anyway.

Many analysts see Sri Lanka riding a tightrope between India and China no matter who wins the power struggle in Colombo. They have been pulled into a perverse relationsh­ip with the Asian giants that none of the political parties can rectify easily

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