The Pak Banker

On gay marriage, moderation could be disastrous

- Noah Feldman

CONVENTION­AL wisdom formed quickly this week after oral arguments in the two same-sex marriage cases before the U.S. Supreme Court. The gist is that the court would duck the fundamenta­l question of whether the Constituti­on guarantees everyone the right to marry -- implied in the California Propositio­n 8 case -- and strike down the Federal Defense of Justice Anthony Kennedy, the perennial swing voter, might well prefer some gradual way to introduce gay marriage without producing the headline "Court Grants Gay Marriage." But the problem with this gradual strategy envisioned by court observers and attributed to Kennedy is that it would create anomalies leading to a nightmaris­h barrage of new litigation. Instead of attenuatin­g criticism of the court by avoiding a single "Eureka" moment, the court would put itself, along with lower courts, at the center of hundreds more headlines for years to come. And they would all be of the same ilk: "Court Creates Legal Nightmare; Citizens on All Sides Angry."

To understand the mess that would result if the court struck down DOMA without finding a general right to same-sex marriage, consider what would happen if the federal government recognized marriages performed in states that allow gay couples to marry while continuing to deny marital status to couples in other states.

In the first, most optimistic scenario, one or several marriage-friendly states might allow anyone from any state to get married there, creating a Las Vegas-style business in same- sex marriage. Gay couples would return to their home states with a piece of paper that should, in principle, entitle them to federal marital tax status, immigratio­n benefits and more. But their home states would probably decline to recognize those out- ofstate marriages, and deny them state-level marriage benefits.

If the Supreme Court's decision to strike down DOMA depended on finding that states have an inherent right to define marriage in which the federal government cannot infringe, then the home states' policy would probably be upheld. The result would be couples who are both married and unmarried for purposes of the same tax returns, mortgages and hospital visits. Each of these conflicts would be brought to the courts. State and federal courts would probably render divergent conclusion­s -across all 50 states and 13 federal circuits. If this isn't legal chaos, nothing is.

If no state wanted to attract business by becoming the same-sex-marriage hub for out-of-state residents, then the anomaly would arise when legally married gay couples moved to states that didn't recognize their unions. Presumably they would neverthele­ss bring their federal benefits with them -- giving rise to the same legal issues just described. The only difference would be that litigation would build up slowly, rather than overnight. And what, pray tell, would happen if some of those couples wanted to get divorced but found themselves in legal limbo because their original states of marriage refused to administer a divorce while they lived far away? Would the federal government treat them as divorced even without a stateissue­d document to that effect?

Some scenarios are downright funny. Suppose I married someone of the same sex in New York and that marriage wasn't recognized in Pennsylvan­ia. If I then decided to marry someone of the opposite sex in Pennsylvan­ia, the state would presumably recognize that marriage while New York recognized my previous one. And both marriages would be recognized by the federal government, which would treat me as a lawful bigamist. That would be good news for 19th century Mormons, who were denied a federal constituti­onal right to plural marriage -- but most people today would find the conclusion truly bizarre.

The federal government couldn't easily get out of this bind by saying it only recognized one valid marriage at a time, because in this scenario the court would have announced that the definition of marriage was fundamenta­lly up to states. Recognizin­g only the New York marriage would violate Pennsylvan­ia's right to ignore the New York decision.

Examples could be multiplied, but you get the point. Today, non-recognitio­n doesn't have any real federal redress or create the situation where you are federally married and not statemarri­ed at the same time. Tomorrow, the problems that already exist in a world where some states recognize same-sex marriage and others don't would be compounded and thrown into the federal courts.

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