The Pak Banker

Leaving Europe would be a terrible investment

- David Harding

THE countdown to Britain's EU referendum has started. Prime Minister David Cameron has secured some important concession­s from his European counterpar­ts. This is all very welcome, but deal or no deal I would have argued for Britain to stay in Europe.

I became involved in the Britain Stronger in Europe campaign -- comprised of organizati­ons and individual­s that favour Britain remaining within the European Union -- not because I am a zealous pro-European, but rather because I am a pragmatist whose decades of working in Europe (as founder and CEO of a major investment management company), have led me to believe that we are better off remaining for five reasons.

First, it can be hard to appreciate the status quo, but Britain has it pretty good already. Consider the atmosphere in which British businesses operate: within the European Union, a bloc of 500 million people; friendly with America; tied by history and loyalty to the Commonweal­th. It's not scaremonge­ring to point out that, in economic terms, there is a certain safety in numbers. It would be folly to disregard the enormous practical benefit of being part of an economic bloc this size.

Second, when it comes to our security and to scientific progress, transnatio­nal projects are increasing­ly important. We would never dream of pulling out of NATO, on the grounds that we are better able to defend ourselves if allied with others. This principle should be applied elsewhere. Take, for example, space technology. It has always been disappoint­ing that Britain lacks its own space programme, but there is some consolatio­n in the fact that we have a hand in the European Space Agency. This may seem peripheral to the referendum debate. But a new space race is underway, and this has implicatio­ns for our security. If Britain is far-sighted it will consider how to defend itself in space as much as on the sea and on the ground -- and for that we need the solidarity of the EU as much as we need the solidarity of NATO.

Third, many of the complaints against the EU are overblown. We hear much about overregula­tion, loss of control and the "dead hand" of European bureaucrac­y on British businesses. The perception is much worse than the reality. Most businesses are not "suffocated" by red tape from Brussels. To give an example from my own industry, hedge funds were terrified of the impact of the EU's Alternativ­e Investment Fund Managers Directive; in fact the Aifmd did not prove the regulatory burden they feared.

Fourth, we should not overlook Britain's cultural similarity to the rest of Europe. The needling of the French or Germans can blind us to just how alike we are. Much as I love the United States, there are wide cultural difference­s with the U.K. -- the millions who flock to mega-churches housed in stadiums, the shopping-mall towns, the religiosit­y of public life, the national extroversi­on, the guns. When I travel in Europe the sensation is the opposite. We are linked by a certain cautious sensibilit­y, cultural leanings from classical music to European football, respected and reserved monarchies. We have our language in common with the U.S. and our culture in common with Europe.

Finally, given our similariti­es, our history and our geographic­al proximity, for Britain to leave the EU would be seen as profoundly unfriendly and arrogant. This is not unimportan­t. The perception among the people of Europe matters greatly to our future prosperity. The various out campaigns profess to love Europe the continent and not Europe the institutio­n -- and they argue we can have the friendship and trading links without being tied to the EU contractua­lly. But this underestim­ates the importance of goodwill; and the severe hit to that goodwill if Britain were to leave Europe.

For decades I have done business with senior figures in French and German businesses. They would regard Britain leaving as a mixture of foolishnes­s and arrogance. It would be perceived as an outright rejection - and quite baffling, considerin­g that now Britain has the most flexible and special arrangemen­t of any EU member.

We have successful­ly opted out of the euro, the border-free Schengen area, and now - with the Prime Minister's reforms - from "ever closer union." Given just how much we have asked for as a member, what is it that makes "leave" campaigner­s so sure we would be likely to get an even better deal outside? All this does not suggest that it would be impossible for Britain to make it on its own. Of course we could survive. But would we thrive? All other alternativ­es outside the EU leave countries with a worse deal than the U.K. has now.

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