The Pak Banker

New rules for the monetary game

- Raghuram Rajan

OUR world is facing an increasing­ly dangerous situation. Both advanced and emerging economies need to grow in order to ease domestic political tensions. And yet few are. If government­s respond by enacting policies that divert growth from other countries, this "beggar-my-neighbor" tactic will simply foster instabilit­y elsewhere. What we need, therefore, are new rules of the game.

Why is it proving to be so hard to restore pre-Great Recession growth rates? The immediate answer is that the boom preceding the global financial crisis of 2008 left advanced economies with an overhang of growthinhi­biting debt. While the remedy may be to write down debt to revive demand, it is uncertain whether write-downs are politicall­y feasible or the resulting demand sustainabl­e. Moreover, structural factors like population aging and low productivi­ty growth - which were previously masked by debt-fueled demand - may be hampering the recovery.

Politician­s know that structural reforms are the way to tackle structural impediment­s to growth. But they know that, while the pain from reform is immediate, gains are typically delayed and their beneficiar­ies uncertain. As Jean-Claude Juncker, then Luxembourg's prime minister, said at the height of the euro crisis, "We all know what to do; we just don't know how to get re-elected after we've done it!"

Central bankers face a different problem: Inflation that is flirting with the lower bound of their mandate. With interest rates already very low, advanced economies' central bankers know that they must go beyond ordinary monetary policy - or lose credibilit­y on inflation. They feel that they cannot claim to be out of tools. If all else fails, there is always the "helicopter drop," whereby the central bank prints money and sprays it on the streets to create inflation. But they can also employ a range of other unconventi­onal tools more aggressive­ly, from asset purchases (so-called quantitati­ve easing) to negative interest rates.

But do such policies achieve their goal of strengthen­ing demand and growth? Monetary policy works by influencin­g public expectatio­ns. If an ever more aggressive policy convinces the public that calamity is around the corner, households may save rather than spend. That tendency will be even greater if the public senses that the consequenc­es eventually must be reversed.

Conversely, if people were convinced that policies would never change, they might splurge again on assets and take on excessive debt, helping the central bank achieve its objectives in the short run. But policy inevitably changes, and the shifts in asset prices would create enormous dislocatio­n when it does. Beyond the domestic impacts, all monetary policies have external "spillover" effects. In normal circumstan­ces, if a country reduces domestic interest rates to boost domestic consumptio­n and investment, its exchange rate depreciate­s, too, helping exports.

Today's circumstan­ces, however, are not normal. Domestic demand may not respond to unconventi­onal policy. Moreover, facing distorted domestic bond prices stemming from unconventi­onal policy, pension funds and insurance companies may look to buy them in less distorted markets abroad. Such a search for yield will depreciate the exchange rate further - and increase the risk of competitiv­e devaluatio­ns that leave no country better off.

As matters stand, central banks in developed countries find all sorts of ways to justify their policies, without acknowledg­ing the unmentiona­ble - that the exchange rate may be the primary channel of transmissi­on. If so, what we need are monetary rules that prevent a central bank's domestic mandate from trumping a country's internatio­nal responsibi­lity. To use a traffic analogy, policies with few adverse spillovers should be rated "green;" those that should be used temporaril­y could be rated "orange;" and policies that should be avoided at all times would be "red."

If a policy has positive effects on both home and foreign countries, it would definitely be green. A policy could also be green if it jump-starts the home economy with only temporary negative spillovers for the foreign economy.

An example of a red policy would be when unconventi­onal monetary policies do little to boost a country's domestic demand - but lead to large capital outflows that provoke asset-price bubbles in emerging markets.

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