Window to the West
When in 1960 Mao Zedong sent off General Gengbiao, his second ambassador to Pakistan, he reportedly advised him: "Look after Pakistan; it is China's window to the West". Mao's depiction may have been as much metaphorical as geographical. During the 1960s, Pakistan was China's diplomatic window to the West, eventually brokering the normalisation of China-US relations in 1971. Today, the physical facet of Mao's depiction is becoming a reality in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.
Gen Gengbiao, who went on to become China's defence minister and deputy prime minister, played a vital role in building the China-Pakistan strategic relationship. So did Pakistan's prime minister Bogra and foreign minister, and later prime minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
Unfortunately, large swathes of the Pakistani pub lic, especially the youth, are not fully aware of the history, intensity and rationale of the PakistanChina relationship. Some Western-oriented Pakis ta nis even question China's desire for a strong Pakistan.
Pakistan and China must undertake serious efforts to preserve, diversify and intensify their relationship. The Pakistan-China relationship has survived the twists and turns of global politics and domestic changes in both countries because it is based on a strong and lasting alignment of their national interests.
Over the last five decades, Pakistan has boldly defended China's unity and territorial integrity; worked assiduously to secure China's legitimate seat in the United Nations; resisted attempts to censure China on human rights and to denigrate its socioeconomic achievements.
For its part, China has and continues to manifest its support for Pakistan in multiple ways. In 1965, China moved its troops to its disputed border with India, preventing India from redeploying additional forces to the battlefield against Pakistan;
In 1971, as India invaded East Pakistan, China defended Pakistan's territorial integrity and was prepared to respond to Pakistan's call to intervene militarily but was prevented from doing so by an explicit Soviet nuclear threat; In 1972, at Pakistan's request, China vetoed the admission of Bangladesh into the United Nations until Dhaka and Delhi agreed to release the 90,000 Pakistani prisoners of war; China built Pakistan's heavy industrial complex at Taxila and other manufacturing capabilities virtually on a grant basis; Despite US pressure and sanctions, China supplied Pakistan with its first ballistic missiles and enabled it to develop its now formidable missile capabilities; China remains the only country willing to sell civilian nuclear reactors to Pakistan and has blocked India's single entry into the Nuclear Suppliers' Group;
For over three decades, new Chinese military equipment was made available to Pakistan almost simultaneously with its induction in the PLA; China was the only country to agree to the co-production of advanced military aircraft and other weapons systems with Pakistan; As China's economic fortunes improved, it quietly and repeatedly extended financial support (loans, bank deposits, grants) to enable Pakistan to meet economic emergencies and bolster its failing finances; China decided to finance the CPEC projects in Pakistan as the first leg of its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative. No other country's companies were prepared to invest or work in Pakistan;
Finally, as India pursues a global media and diplomatic campaign to 'isolate' Pakistan and threatens 'surgical strikes' and a ' limited war', and as the US exerts pressure on Pakistan to support its failed strategy in Afghanistan and succumb to Indian diktat, it is China, with its veto in the Security Council and influence in major capitals, that stands in the way of negative international decisions and actions against Pakistan.
Naturally, both China and Pakistan will continue to hope that America's present omni-directional belligerence will give way, perhaps in a post-Trump era, to more astute, responsible policies. To that day, Pakistan and China should keep open their window to