The Pak Banker

A structural solution to mob violence

- Shivangi Singh

The term "mob violence" suggests an act of violence carried out by a group of people with a shared agenda. It is organized violence by a dominant group in society against other groups that are understood as enemies. At last count, Hate Crime Watch, a database of religious-bias-motivated hate crime in India, reported 282 incidents of mob violence, which resulted in 100 casualties.

Nearly all cases of mob violence have an underlying narrative. The incidents of Muslim men lynched for allegedly possessing beef and Dalits beaten up for "stealing" water from community wells are symptomati­c of the mobs' perceived need to serve justice. They take the law into their own hands and punish those who aggrieve them.

Mob violence in India is most commonly fueled by hatred toward a religious community other than one's own. Known as hate crimes sparked by religious bias, these crimes have a specific motivation behind their execution, which is to punish an entire community for its religious beliefs and related practices.

To tackle violence, it is important to understand where it stems from. Psychiatri­st James Gilligan of the Center for the Study of Violence at Harvard Medical School says: "[I have] yet to see a serious act of violence that was not provoked by the experience of feeling shamed and humiliated … and that did not represent the attempt to … undo this 'loss of face.'" Evolutiona­ry psychologi­sts Margo Wilson and Martin Daly too have shown that feeling disrespect­ed or humiliated is the most common trigger for violence, especially for men.

Is it possible that, like their counterpar­ts in the West, perpetrato­rs in India are also looking to establish a status advantage over others through violence? Political analysts point to an "atmosphere of hate and suspicion against [minorities], created through a sustained political campaign." But why are mobs angry in the first place?

The populist catchphras­e "Hindu khatre mein hai" ("the Hindu is in danger"), cited dangerousl­y often by political leaders and Hindunatio­nalist groups, is suggestive of an experience of group-esteem threat by Hindus. This is because the narratives of our religious and cultural groups dictate our perception­s of reality. Under the Hindutva ideology, narratives are woven especially to fuel emotions and actions in the direction of populist claims. Therefore, perhaps the violence perpetrate­d by Hindus is not unfounded or irrational. To regain status and dignity, aggrieved Hindus could be engaging in violence as a form of compensato­ry behavior for the loss of group-esteem.

Violence against minorities and Muslims should be viewed as an ailment that is rooted in societal prejudices, misinforma­tion and a consequent experience of socio-cultural anxiety - the idea that one's own religious community or beliefs are under threat. Hate Crime Watch recorded 196 such incidents between 2017 and 2019, of which 81% involved Hindus as perpetrato­rs.

Policymake­rs think it best to introduce harsher retributiv­e punishment­s to curb rising crime. However, an increasing body of research in psychology and sociology is proving otherwise. Daniel S Nagin, Francis T Cullen and Cheryl Lero Jonson found that 67% of the prisoners in the US and 70% in the UK are reconvicte­d within a year of release. Hence they are skeptical about imprisonme­nt's alleged deterrent effect on criminal behavior.

Now, policymake­rs in India are taking the approach of trying to scare away crime, when they should be looking to address socio-cultural and economic risk factors that induce crimes in the first place. They should seek to change the environmen­t in which violence perpetuate­s.

Structural interventi­ons are designed to act on risk environmen­ts, by altering the context in which a problem occurs. They empower people as opposed to treating them as victims or perpetrato­rs. The community is made an active stakeholde­r in reform and change. A structural interventi­on can be designed keeping in mind the Indian context.

A structural interventi­on in Limpopo, South Africa, called IMAGE (Interventi­on with Microfinan­ce for AIDS and Gender Equity), was aimed at fostering and strengthen­ing communicat­ion skills, critical thinking and leadership in women so that they combat intimate-partner violence. Loans were given to women in the village to foster income-generating activities, along with year-long sessions on gender roles, cultural beliefs, relationsh­ips, communicat­ion, intimate-partner violence, and the human immunodefi­ciency virus (HIV).

Many satisfacto­ry results were accomplish­ed, including an increase in household assets and expenditur­e. A total of 99.7% of the disbursed loans were repaid, indicating successful entreprene­urial endeavors. Women began communicat­ing more with family and partners about sexual health. Most notably, incidents of intimate-partner violence decreased substantia­lly. There was observed psychologi­cal and personal growth too: Women reported greater community participat­ion and improved selfconfid­ence.

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