The Pak Banker

China’s a factor in India’s regional approach

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The South Asian Associatio­n for Regional Cooperatio­n (SAARC) has been a recurrent hostage to downturns in India-Pakistan relations, which has often led New Delhi to turn to subregiona­l initiative­s, as has been witnessed by the current prime minister’s invitation to the member countries of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperatio­n (BIMSTEC) to his swearing-in ceremony last year. BIMSTEC comprises five countries in South Asia – Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal and Sri Lanka – and two in Southeast Asia, Myanmar and Thailand.

Going by the past records, India’s approach to subregiona­l initiative­s has been marred by a lack of leadership, resources and institutio­nalization. For instance, it took 17 years for BIMSTEC to establish a permanent secretaria­t in Dhaka, in 2014.

Similarly, the Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM) remained a Track II initiative for India until 2013 despite the rhetoric as to the perceived importance of subregiona­l groupings.

However, India is poised to focus more on subregiona­l initiative­s considerin­g that the possibilit­y of a resurrecti­on of SAARC seems remote. New Delhi’s endeavor in this direction, nonetheles­s, has met a powerful tide from the reverse direction in the shape of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

Growing interest by most of the South Asian countries in Beijing’s infrastruc­ture developmen­t and connectivi­ty plans was visible well before India focused on BIMSTEC. The absence of China from that regional initiative also led some experts to take pessimisti­c note of India’s success in leading such initiative­s. For instance, former Indian foreign secretary Krishnan Srinivasan remarked that members of BIMSTEC not only represente­d uneven economies with differing interests, the absence of China – the biggest Asian economy – would slow down the initiative because of a lack of investment­s.

Historical­ly, India’s preference for bilateral rather than multilater­al engagement­s and attempts at designing a regional security architectu­re according to its own interests helped create a domineerin­g “big brother” image in the neighborho­od. Its unilateral gestures and concession­s aimed at augmenting a positive image often and ironically strengthen­ed the big-brother syndrome. In contrast, China as a relatively new player resourcefu­lly and with greater resolve was poised to take quick strides in the South Asian region.

India’s refusal to get involved in the BRI has not persuaded its small neighbors to keep away from collaborat­ing with China. It is evident that India’s rejection of the BRI on the grounds that it violates its sovereign territoria­l claims has only helped China entrench its influence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region and tightened China-Pakistan bonding further, making the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) a key part of the BRI.

Underlinin­g the significan­ce of the BRI, Subramania­n Swamy, a member of India’s Parliament, recently suggested that China needs to consider diverting its BRI via Kolkata or Mumbai ports instead of passing through disputed India-Pakistan border areas. Clearly, India and China pursue competitiv­e regional strategies that seek to reduce the influence of each other.

Competitiv­e regional strategies

It is pertinent to underline that China has shown willingnes­s to get involved in the SAARC process since it became an observer state in 2007. India was able in 2015 to persuade other South Asian countries to place a five-year moratorium on discussion­s on the issue of China’s inclusion as a dialogue partner, let alone a full member.

Logically, complement­ary regional strategies would have strengthen­ed both countries’ power positions in the South Asian as well as the Indian Ocean region. Needless to say, however, realist politics defies reason.

 ??  ?? For instance, it took 17 years for BIMSTEC to establish a permanent secretaria­t in Dhaka, in 2014. Similarly, the Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar Economic Corridor remained a Track II initiative for India until 2013 despite the rhetoric as to the perceived importance of subregiona­l groupings. India is poised to focus more on subregiona­l initiative­s considerin­g that the possibilit­y of a res
urrection of SAARC seems remote.
For instance, it took 17 years for BIMSTEC to establish a permanent secretaria­t in Dhaka, in 2014. Similarly, the Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar Economic Corridor remained a Track II initiative for India until 2013 despite the rhetoric as to the perceived importance of subregiona­l groupings. India is poised to focus more on subregiona­l initiative­s considerin­g that the possibilit­y of a res urrection of SAARC seems remote.

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