The Pak Banker

Sino-US ties at a crossroads

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The confrontat­ion instigated by the United States with China continues to intensify. The pandemic has escalated tensions between them that were already at a record high before the Covid outbreak. This fraught situation has variously been described as a new Cold War, end of the post-1979 era, a geopolitic­al turning point and less seriously, a 'scold war'.

What does this mean for the world's most consequent­ial relationsh­ip? Is this a transforma­tive moment from where ties will have to be completely redefined rather than reset? Will the two global powers arrive at a modus vivendi or will their stand-off become an enduring feature of the internatio­nal landscape? How much of China-bashing in the US reflects campaign politics in an election year? Is the friction an inevitable result of a global power's response to the rise of another that can challenge its predominan­t position - a classic phenomenon witnessed throughout history when power dynamics shift fundamenta­lly?

Is economic decoupling between the two inescapabl­e? Or will present hostilitie­s eventually give way to a restructur­ing of ties in which relations may end up being fiercely competitiv­e and selectivel­y cooperativ­e but with overtones of hostility?

Clearer answers will emerge over time. But a key factor that could shape future relations will be the US presidenti­al election in November when the next occupant of the White House will have to decide how to manage relations with China: to stabilise the relationsh­ip on new terms, or embark on a course of drawn-out confrontat­ion. In both eventualit­ies, a return to engagement that previously characteri­sed relations with China is unlikely.

This is because the political consensus and public opinion that has emerged in the US - fanned by President Donald Trump's actions and rhetoric - sees China as an adversary that has exploited the US on trade and poses a strategic challenge that needs to be countered and contained, not engaged. Many foreign policy advisers of the Democratic contender for the presidency, Joe Biden, also happen to be hawks on China. Therefore, whoever wins the election will likely follow a tough line on China.

Beijing's interest lies in de-escalating tensions and steadying relations. But it is up against the weight of USled Western opinion that has become increasing­ly sceptical and hostile towards China. The European Union which has strong economic equities in ties with China is being assiduousl­y courted by Beijing to encourage it to follow an independen­t path from Washington. But developmen­ts in Hong Kong have added to European suspicions of China.

In the face of Trump's provocativ­e statements and actions during the pandemic, China has generally kept its cool, reacting sharply only when Washington crossed certain red lines or when Trump's patently misleading narrative needed to be countered. But top US officials led by Trump have continued virulent criticism of China. This provoked China's foreign minister Wang Yi to warn that the US was pushing China to the brink of a new Cold War. But he also stressed that both countries had a major responsibi­lity for "world peace and developmen­t", and that "China and the US stand to gain from cooperatio­n, and lose from confrontat­ion".

There are limits though to China's forbearanc­e in the face of offensive US actions. There is fresh thinking in Beijing about how to deal with a more antagonist­ic Washington and growing nationalis­t sentiment that their country should push back against Western criticism and US bullying. This sentiment is already driving a more assertive Chinese policy in Asia.

China is expected to emerge as the world's largest economy in a decade. This should itself persuade the US and its Western allies that engagement is necessary in their own interest with a country that will be pivotal to achieving post-pandemic global economic revival and addressing a host of other internatio­nal challenges. However, this rational calculatio­n and also the fact that China remains Washington's biggest lender may not be enough to overcome US apprehensi­ons about the challenge posed to America's global position by China's rise.

A report titled United States Strategic Approach to the People's Republic of China, submitted by the White House to Congress last month, lays bare these wide-ranging concerns. It says that US National Security Strategy demands that Washington "rethink the failed policies of the past two decades - policies based on the assumption that engagement with rivals and their inclusion in internatio­nal institutio­ns and global commerce would turn them into benign actors and trustworth­y partners". The future approach should be based on "tolerance of greater bilateral friction".

The report says that America is in strategic competitio­n with China and enumerates the economic and security challenges posed by Beijing. The tone is of a power anxious to counter a strategic challenger whose economic strength and reach have already eroded America's global pre-eminence.

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