The Pak Banker

An uncertain future for Afghanista­n

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Afghanista­n is at a critical juncture with a peace deal on the horizon that will decide its fate without really giving its people a say. While the formal negotiatio­ns between Kabul and the Taliban, the hardline Islamist foe of the government, have been underway for several weeks now, they have not officially started because of a deadlock over the procedures.

The Afghan National Security forces are struggling to control the territory and the Taliban are carrying out attacks across the country. According to tenants of the deal, the United States would get the Taliban to police the territory it controls in return for a withdrawal American forces. But is this sufficient to bring durable peace and prevent further instabilit­y?

The deal has been criticized as one excuse for the United States to leave Afghanista­n. But unsatisfyi­ng as it may seem, it may be the best outcome for Afghanista­n, especially if the United States uses its leverage toward a more inclusive political settlement. This formula would need to focus on decentrali­zed governance that protects the diversity of communitie­s in Afghanista­n and reflects the distributi­on of power on the ground.

The war in Afghanista­n has cost the United States almost $3 trillion to date, mainly for counterins­urgency efforts and to build up the national army and police force. But those internal negotiatio­ns, while revitalize­d, have not been devoid of violence, the majority inflicted by the elements against the government. The Taliban is growing in numbers, and with its boldness, reaching a recent average of 50 attacks each day.

The Taliban, in addition to its base in Helmand, has territory in numerous provinces and continues to threaten those capitals. In 2018, it captured Ghazni in a siege which revealed the hard truth that the Afghan military, despite American assistance, is still unable to contain the Taliban forces, which are becoming stronger. With no money to pay the police and little government penetratio­n with rural areas, the Afghan people are hedging their bets and joining them as they are worried about security.

The rights of women have also been at the forefront of talks with the two sides clashing on visions of how to run Afghanista­n. Despite the uneven improvemen­ts in the last decade, democratic governance has advanced women, mostly in health and education. Under the Taliban, girls were not allowed to attend school until they hit puberty. Today, millions of girls are enrolled in school, and women are in far more civil service roles.

Further, one in five members of the Afghan parliament are women. Given how tenuous these gains are, this is an area that needs special attention. The right to vote, run for office, have a job, and all other human rights in the talks have not been defined, and women have been mostly excluded from formal talks. The Taliban has been vague on gender issues despite attempts to portray itself as friendly to women. Any settlement needs to reflect key red lines for women after the American withdrawal.

Finding a way to ensure lasting peace is notably important as another era of brutal suppressio­n could come with the resurgence of the Islamic State Khorasan Province. The infamous attacks on a maternity ward in Kabul this spring that killed babies, nurses, and health workers of mostly Hazara Shia is a reflection of the tactics the Islamic State Khorasan Province is using to instill fear and present itself as an alternativ­e to the Taliban. Should it gain a presence in Afghanista­n, the effects could be calamitous.

Patricia Karam

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