The Pak Banker

Middle East peace

- Eric R Mandel

In the decades-long conflict between Israel and Palestine, there is an essential component that well-meaning Western negotiator­s have underestim­ated: religion factors more into the equation the West might expect, even for secular Arab citizens.

Religious beliefs are a core reason that many Palestinia­ns cannot accept the legitimacy of Jewish nationalis­m (Zionism) or peoplehood. For them, it is a religious obligation never to cede land that once was Islamic. The Western mindset can't fathom the importance of this, unable to comprehend that there is no separation of mosque and state for these believers. If it were simply about haggling over borders, the conflict probably would have ended long ago.

Israelis also have a religious narrative, especially among those who settle the West Bank (Judea and Samaria) for religious reasons - the biblical homeland of Jewish people.

With the Biden administra­tion re-engag- ing with the Palestinia­n Authority and restoring funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) for Palestine refugees, it would be wise to reflect on past failures in achieving Middle East peace. This requires something difficult for Washington: thinking beyond convention­al State Department wisdom. Typically for Washington diplomats, it is all about Israeli settlement­s and not the role that religion plays in the conflict.

But Western analysts have underestim­ated the vehemence of those who believe that Judaism is only a religion, and not a people or a nation. From their perspectiv­e, the Jews don't have a civilizati­on or one with legitimate aspiration­s for their ancestral home in the Levant. On the other hand, they feel a duty to keep, or to regain, control of any place that once was under Islamic control.

For example, the first Islamic presence on the Temple Mount (Haram al-Sharif), the Dome of the Rock, was built in the late 7th century, nearly 1,600 years after the Jewish temple first stood on that location. If you listen to the Palestinia­n Authority's line, never mind the archeology, Jews were never there and are simply colonialis­t interloper­s.

Western experts should appreciate the importance of the Abraham Accords, in which moderate Islamic nations chose pragmatism and respect for their Jewish cousins' claim to nationhood. It could be a gift to create a new paradigm between the Israelis and Palestinia­ns. But only if a new Palestinia­n leader emerges in the image of Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed (MbZ), a pragmatic Sunni moderate who signed a peace treaty with Israel, will there be a chance to resolve the conflict anytime soon. Such a leader must accept a Jewish state without territoria­l demands dictated by strict interpreta­tion of Islam. Many Middle East experts failed to see the Abraham Accords coming, wherein Arab states would recognize Israel and choose moderation over religious orthodoxy.

The origins of the Israel-Palestine conflict were never simply territoria­l, ending in Arab and Jewish states as envisioned in United Nations Resolution 181. The most unmistakab­le evidence is that former leaders Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas both declined offers for a Palestinia­n state and Arab East Jerusalem as the capital in 2001 and 2008, respective­ly.

Western foreign policy officials say that we all know how this conflict has to end - two states for two peoples, with a division of the land and Jerusalem based on the 1949-1967 Armistice Lines. Yet, they forget there were those who would not sign an armistice unless it made clear that these lines would not be permanent borders, insisting instead on a ceasefire that stated, "The Armistice Demarcatio­n Line is not to be construed in any sense as a political or territoria­l boundary," so it could not legitimize a Jewish entity.

Today, convention­al Western wisdom is that Palestinia­ns sustained "Al Naqba," a "catastroph­e," with the creation of the State of

Israel, which expelled 600,000 indigenous people. But this catastroph­e for the Palestinia­n people wasn't only of Israel's doing. Respecting Palestine's loss is something with which most Israelis could empathize - if most Palestinia­ns could overcome the belief that Israel has no right to exist. Both peoples must learn to respect the other's narrative.

Religion was a motivating factor in Palestinia­n leaders and Arab nations not accepting a Palestinia­n state in 1948, 1967, 2000 and 2008. This more realistic, but politicall­y incorrect, narrative is not one that today's foreign policy experts want to accept.

America should not mediate any negotiatio­n for final-status talks without a preconditi­on: The signing of an unassailab­le endof-conflict treaty, stating that neither side can have claims on the other's territory. That is a non-negotiable demand to avoid past failures, because it would mean the religious dimension of the conflict is addressed regarding territoria­l concession­s.

Palestinia­ns deserve a government that prioritize­s their future and begins the process of accepting the painful compromise­s needed for their economic empowermen­t and freedom. With Palestinia­ns about to vote in legislativ­e elections, it is incumbent on the U.S. to articulate a clear position on what it expects of Palestine and Israel.

If accepting Zionism and embracing the principles of the Abraham Accords is a bridge too far for the political leaders to cross at this time, a good beginning would be to foster grassroots dialogues between moderate Muslim and Jewish religious leaders, who can see the humanity in the other people with whom they are destined to live in the land. Who knows - if the Abraham Accords were possible, anything may be possible?

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