The Pak Banker

Standing by Kashmir

- Ashraf Jehangir Qazi

Bekhudi besabab nahin Ghalib

Kuch to hai jiski purdah dari hai (Distractio­n is not without reason, Ghalib

Something's being veiled)

FOR Pakistan, the prospect of reduced tension with a larger adversary should be welcome. Extended backchanne­l contacts, a revival of the LoC ceasefire, an exchange of messages between the prime ministers, Pakistan's offer of Covid-19 relief assistance to India, and possible negotiatio­ns on "all outstandin­g issues, including Jammu and Kashmir", should be cause for cautious optimism. However, important questions remain which will be answered one way or another soon enough.

Reportedly, Modi took the initiative. Why? Is it because he is politicall­y weakened by the gross and tragic mishandlin­g of the pandemic which has now been reflected in significan­t defeats in three out of five state elections? Have military setbacks in confrontat­ions with China led to fears of a China-Pakistan alliance against India's regional aspiration­s? Has Biden's reliance on Pakistan to coax the Taliban to limit US humiliatio­n in Afghanista­n increased its leverage in Washington at India's expense? Have India's failure to eradicate the Kashmiri resistance despite massive repression, and internatio­nal criticisms of India's human rights violations been factors?

Conversely, is India driven by its perception of the political, economic, military and diplomatic mess in which Pakistan finds itself today? Has Modi calculated that Pakistan has no Kashmir options left other than to accept Aug 5, 2019 as a fait accomplian­d cover its own humiliatio­n with empty bluster and informatio­n management? After losing its majority 50 years ago is Pakistan now poised to forego its 'jugular vein'?

A comprehens­ive failure of governance is always a comprehens­ive

afoot

that

is moral governors.

On July 24, 2004, Dawn carried a report 'Musharraf for giving up maximalist positions'. Musharraf told India's external affairs minister, Natwar Singh, that he was ready to set aside Pakistan's "maximalist" position on Kashmir as "enshrined in the UNSC Resolution 91". This and other UNSC resolution­s embodied the UN's legal and principled decision not Pakistan's "maximalist" position. According to Musharraf "India's initial maximalist position" was that all of the pre-Partition State of Jammu and Kashmir belonged to it. Later, India's "maximalist position" was reduced to "the conversion of the LoC into an internatio­nal border".

Pakistan abandoned its UNbased position before even entering into negotiatio­ns while India only reduced its illegal territoria­l claims to what it had already forcibly absorbed. Musharraf presented his four-point proposal: demilitari­sation or phased withdrawal

failure

of

the of troops; no change in the borders of Kashmir while "softening" the LoC to allow Kashmiris to travel and trade across it; self-governance for Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) and India-held Kashmir (IHK) without independen­ce; and a joint supervisio­n mechanism involving India, Pakistan and Kashmiris.

Syed Ali Shah Geelani, the veteran Kashmiri political leader, opposed the four points as a sellout. However, other Hurriyat leaders seemed ready to settle for them. Ultimately, developmen­ts in India and Pakistan aborted the process.

Fifteen years later, Pakistan is resurrecti­ng Musharraf's 'backchanne­l'. A backchanne­l is essentiall­y a 'trouble-shooting'- or an initiative-launching modality to overcome deadlocked or restore suspended negotiatio­ns. It is not a proper modality for extended negotiatio­ns to resolve complex core issues, especially if profession­al and experience­d diplomats are excluded and replaced by largely 'miltel' personnel.

Pakistan seems ready to dump its UN-based stance on Kashmir again in the alleged expectatio­n India will reciprocat­e by changing its implacable stance. Modi is not considerin­g political suicide, and nobody is fooled.

The difference 15 years later is India has eliminated the State of Jammu and Kashmir and replaced it with two Union Territorie­s. This essentiall­y abrogates the Shimla Agreement which states "neither side shall unilateral­ly alter the situation". India has thereby also rendered the LoC moot as it derives from the Shimla Agreement.

Shimla needs to be restored for the ceasefire to endure and Aug 5, 2019, needs to be reversed. Otherwise, backchanne­l negotiatio­ns will be cover for surrender, especially if Kashmir is relegated to the back-burner as reports suggest. Democracy dies in darkness. So does national security and foreign policy, including Kashmir policy. Only betrayals thrive in the dark.

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