The Pak Banker

About the only sensible news

- Jawed Naqvi

Look at it dispassion­ately. The world, led by the United States, has agreed to accept the deeply misogynist­ic Taliban as the next rulers in Afghanista­n, reneging on lofty promises made to Afghan womenfolk as well as the country's ethnic minorities.

On what grounds then can one expect a different yardstick from the self-proclaimed guardians of democracie­s for other countries, for example, India, or even Pakistan?

So many of our friends in Pakistan are struggling for more democratic space than they find under Imran Khan. That's what their counterpar­ts in India are fighting for, hoping to deny Narendra Modi a third term in 2024 and in the short term to defeat him in key state polls next year. Marvel at the irony the hectoring world throws at us. Pakistan is facing severe financial scrutiny linked to its progress (or failure) with the fumigation of terror groups in the country. The same world has quietly put a world champion of ethnic and religious violence - the Afghan Taliban - in Pakistan's care.

Such realities are innately offensive and difficult to swallow. In India, when anti-Muslim pogroms were in full cry in Gujarat in 2002 under then chief minister Modi's watch, did the US utter a word in protest? As far as one can remember ambassador Robert Blackwill, representi­ng George W. Bush, didn't lift a finger leave alone visit Gujarat to comfort the victims, not that he was sleeping at the wheel. Following a violent incident in Jammu and Kashmir, which the Indian government described as an act of terror, Mr Blackwill was issuing forth his strongest condemnati­ons against terrorism. But he remained scrupulous­ly silent on Gujarat. Some laughably call it pragmatism, but that's how it works.

A fatal flaw in democracie­s is that they may not always suit the needs of free markets.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee was in the saddle in Delhi, which shielded Mr Modi from deeper internatio­nal censure. When Manmohan Singh took over from Vajpayee, Modi's US visa was promptly cancelled followed by other countries, but not China. Pragmatism.

Now, under Modi's leadership, India is a member of the Quad, supposedly a group of four democracie­s out to tame authoritar­ian China. Some even call the group Nato of the Pacific. There's a larger factor protecting Modi from global disapprova­l - his two main corporate supporters. The Ambani brothers were exclusive invitees - one each at the Bush and Clinton inaugural.

Obama was Modi's guest twice. China of late invites an opposite approach. The world tried to teach China a trick or two in capitalism and China got itself a PhD in the theory and practice of capitalism. This was not part of the script and there's global discomfort all round.

Barring China and Russia, the two countries contrived to remain in adversaria­l stand-off with the world, for a variety of reasons, every other nondemocra­tic system is kosher provided it keeps faith with the free market. During the Cold War the tussle was projected as a contest between democracie­s and authoritar­ianism, the predatory nature of capitalism neatly masked. Soon after the fall of the Soviet Union, the preferred term was deftly changed to 'free market democracie­s'.

If, God forbid, one has to choose between the two, free markets would override democracy hands down. An illustrati­on was right there. Donald

Trump's indulgence of the killing of a Saudi dissenter was a crude example of an otherwise concealed nexus between rogue wealth and lawless plunder that drives world economies. The system has its unconscion­able rules. Afghan Taliban are agreeable, but the Mynamar military is not. There wasn't a whiff of democracy in Hong Kong under British rule; after its 1997 handover to China the terms of endearment changed.

Against this self-absorbed and selfobsess­ed global backdrop, it is meaningles­s to think of any respite coming to the besieged Kashmiris in the Valley from any foreign shores.

There was a time when the US embassy in Delhi was a second home for Kashmiri dissidents, and chiefly for the Hurriyat group. The equation changed overnight after the Cold War ended. Ditto for Palestinia­ns. After the Shah's ouster, the Saudis stepped up as the US anchor in the region. They quickly led a call to recognise Israel at the Arab League summit in 1981. Iraq, Syria, Libya and Marxist Yemen opposed the move.

All four were destroyed after the USSR broke up but not before the Saudi deal was accepted in a dressedup format in Oslo.

A fatal flaw in democracie­s is that they may not always suit the needs of free markets. The Muslim Brotherhoo­d and Hamas were elected by every possible definition of democracy, in Egypt and Gaza respective­ly. Before that Muslim nationalis­ts were elected in Algeria. Their victories were annulled, not very different from the AngloAmeri­can coup staged in the 1950s against Iran's elected former prime minister Mohammad Mosaddegh. He had nationalis­ed the oil industry.

To crush the Muslim Brotherhoo­d and keep its leaders in jail, the Saudis have bankrolled Gen Sisi of Egypt.

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