The Pak Banker

The West-Taliban alliance

- Scott Lucas

The decades-long conflict in Afghanista­n was always far more than a simple case of the Taliban versus the Afghan government, or a USled "war on terror." This is because Afghanista­n is not a single country in the sense of a legitimate system accepted by the vast majority. Beyond the capital Kabul, it is more a mosaic of local areas with factions - among them the Taliban - seeking rule and profit.

The suicide bombing of the crowd outside Hamid Karzai Internatio­nal Airport by Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISIS-K) on August 26, killing up to 170 Afghans and 13 US troops, highlights the threats presented by these armed groups.

The Taliban will try to establish a national government. With their radical interpreta­tion of Islam and politics, they are likely to continue violence, repression and denial of rights to many sections of Afghan society. But as demonstrat­ed by the ISIS-K violence, the Taliban's control of Kabul and also other parts of Afghanista­n is not secure.

To understand that lack of control - and the instabilit­y and insecurity that are likely to persist - one has to begin with the relationsh­ips between the Taliban and other groups, including ISIS-K and the Haqqani Network.

Islamic State Khorasan

Islamic State's lightning advance across Iraq and Syria in 2014, and its declaratio­n of a "caliphate," spawned affiliates. These groups promoted the ideologica­l line of, and received assistance from, the core of ISIS - but developed from local conditions.

One was ISIS-K, establishe­d in January 2015 and naming itself after "Khorasan," part of an Islamic empire that stretched from Iran to the western Himalayas from the 6th century.

The group consists of local militants and former Afghan and Pakistani Taliban, pushing an even more radical ideology and implementa­tion, as well as some former al-Qaeda members. Spanning the Afghan-Pakistan border, ISIS-K's center is in eastern Afghanista­n, in Nangarhar and Kunar provinces.

While the Taliban sought to take control of Afghanista­n, through military operations and then political talks, ISIS-K has sought to recruit members by generating publicity through deadly attacks on civilian targets. Their targets have included protest rallies, schools providing education for girls, and a

Kabul maternity ward.

Afghan security forces and US aerial operations, including the "mother of all bombs" in April 2017, crippled ISIS-K. And beyond Afghanista­n, the US killing of Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in northern Syria in October 2019 was a further blow. By 2020, ISIS-K's estimated membership was reduced to between 1,500 and 2,200.

But a new commander, Shahab al-Muhajir, energized the group with operations such as an August 2020 attack on a prison in Jalalabad, some 100 kilometers west of Kabul, which freed hundreds of fighters. There was also as an assassinat­ion attempt on vicepresid­ent Amrullah Saleh, which left 10 people dead.

Al-Qaeda and

Network

When Western media and pundits report on the Taliban takeover of Afghanista­n, they often unsurprisi­ngly invoke the specter of alQaeda. A UN report in June said alQaeda members were active in 15 of the 34 Afghan provinces. But in both operationa­l significan­ce and political authority, the organizati­on

the Haqqani is a shell of its 2001 version.

Soon after the terrorist attacks on the US of September 11, 2001, al-Qaeda was pushed into northweste­rn Pakistan, with Osama bin Laden finally killed by US Special Forces in 2011.

Other senior leaders have been slain or captured. While bin Laden's successor Ayman alZawahiri is thought to be in Afghanista­n, he is muted and said to be in poor health.

In contrast, the Haqqani Network is at the heart of Afghanista­n's contest for power. Hailing from southeaste­rn Afghanista­n, Jalaluddin Haqqani establishe­d the group in the 1980s, soon receiving assistance from the Ronald Reagan administra­tion in the US and Pakistani intelligen­ce to fight Soviet forces.

After the Taliban rose to power in 1996, Haqqani accepted a cabinet post as minister of tribal affairs.

The US-backed overthrow of the Taliban in 2001 forced the network to regroup in Pakistan, but it soon pursued cross-border operations. It intersecte­d with al-Qaeda, both in ideologica­l positionin­g and in training camps.

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