The Pak Banker

Who lost America?

- Touqir Hussain

Beginning with China in 1949, then Cuba in 1959, and Iran in 1979, Americans have been arguing over who 'lost' these countries. It is time for another debate. Who lost America?

At its heart, the loss is of democracy at home and hegemony abroad. For much of its history, American democracy has been led by elites. The system helped America's rise as a great power but worked only when the elites were committed to public service, and the United States led the world.

But much has changed. Both the domestic and internatio­nal orders have been under challenge. And America has been courting failure at home and abroad. There can be no more apt expression of this failure than the shame and infamy of the Jan 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol, and the desperate scenes of chaos during evacuation at Kabul airport.

To its credit, America had played a decisive role in internatio­nal affairs in the 20th century maintainin­g some appearance of the balance of power and stability in the internatio­nal order. It had done well in meeting challenges that were purely economic, or military, such as the two world wars, and in dealing with other big powers. But it failed to address issues that did not respond to military action or to military means alone. These were complex nation- and state-building challenges whose solution required a different kind of interventi­on, good partners and an understand­ing of the internal dynamics of a society.

The historical experience of Americans had made them self-centred and often overbearin­g and thus unable to understand the cultural and political substance of other societies. No wonder America failed in every war that it started, especially following the history-making changes that had taken place since the end of the Cold War, the rise of globalisat­ion and 9/11. Scarred by the latter, driven by a supreme consciousn­ess of power, and obsessed with America's global leadership role, Washington had simplified the perception of these changes.

These may have made the US the sole superpower, but had also raised the status of other powers with competing interests and policies. This made it hard for the US to lead, tempting it to resort to unilateral­ism, as in Afghanista­n and Iraq, provoking strong resistance. Both 'revolution­s' in America remain unfinished.

Endless wars caused resentment abroad and grievances at home where China and globalisat­ion were taking jobs and factories away from the US abetted by a new breed of globalist elites who gave primacy to personal and corporate interests over the interests of the working class. The 2008 financial crisis aggravated the social discontent and income inequality caused wider economic grievances.

The failing elite-led system has now merged with mass politics that is causing its own set of problems. It has enhanced the influence of money and media on politics. As money and politics began chasing each other, it gave a new opportunit­y and role to the mushroomin­g 24/7 cable television to be a broker between special interests, politics and the public. The commercial­ly motivated media, joined by social media now, interprete­d the world around people, and made choices for them, even choosing their politics. And often it did so by misinformi­ng the public.

Policy in America is now all about politics which is all about power. So in the interest of power, politician­s are pandering to this misinforme­d public while socioecono­mic inequality, injustice and ethnic and racial divisions are crying for redressal. The American dream has gone sour.

Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders were contrastin­g responses to the crisis, one by appealing to white identity and culture and America's traditiona­l isolationi­sm, and the other by arousing America's sense of moral purpose. They half succeeded and ended up speaking for two different Americas sharpening their divisions. Both 'revolution­s' remain unfinished, provoking fear and hope among Americans.

Biden understand­s what is wrong and wants to set it right but cannot. He is living in an elite world obsessed with big power rivalry and global leadership role on the one hand, and with Trump's 'America first' philosophy and the anti-war progressiv­ism of Sanders on the other. And it is not working.

Washington is obsessed, however valid its concerns may be, with competitio­n with China. The China fever, that obscures focus on other global crises and plays into regional disputes has sabotaged good policy. The Afghanista­n fiasco is a glaring example, the result of what Tony Blair called "imbecilic politics".

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