The Pak Banker

Truths and dialogue

- Javed Jabbar

There are hard truths in both the polarised positions of the federal government and the non-state, multimedia sector on the proposed Pakistan Media Developmen­t Authority (PMDA).

Convergenc­e in communicat­ion technology merges print, electronic, cinematic and digital media content into a single stream available on all smartphone­s. Authentic informatio­n floats side by side with fake news and disinforma­tion. They often overlap to become indistingu­ishable. Where one part of the flow is produced through reliable profession­al journalism, the other can be let loose by hostile forces to inject confusion. Or even by a single individual who forwards false claims that millions exchange within minutes. In between there are the lethal half-truths masqueradi­ng under the façade of 'recognised' but defective journalism.

Regulating media in 2021 is a global dilemma. In another country that broadly shares with Pakistan a noisy, diverse civil and political society, even one as 'advanced' as the US, the private platform Twitter bans former president Trump because he tweets falsehoods. A strongly contrastin­g country like China does not even permit the abandon of Google, Facebook or Twitter. It sponsors local platforms like WeChat, TenCent, SinaWeibo. Virtually all content is controlled.

In the media today, organised chaos as well as rigid limits are realities side by side with oceans of informatio­n, education and entertainm­ent. Rigid limits coexist with informatio­n in the mediascape.

Despite some valid reservatio­ns, freedom of expression in Pakistan's media is far higher than reflected by global indices. Even sacred cows like the armed forces and judiciary are often assailed, openly or obliquely.

But the government's intention to legislate the PMDA law is conceptual­ly flawed and operationa­lly impractica­l. It seeks a monolithic response to multiplist­ic conditions. Post 18th Amendment, there are multiple legal, regulatory jurisdicti­ons at the federal and provincial levels. Whereas the regulation of electronic media and telecommun­ication is federal, the regulation of print media is in the provinces. In addition to such vertical jurisdicti­onal splits, PMDA attempts to ensure payment of wages to media workers. There are bound to be horizontal jurisdicti­onal tangles too because civil courts, labour courts and trade dispute resolution forums operate at local, provincial levels.

The MCC process conveys inappropri­ate authoritar­ianism through words like 'summon' and 'call for explanatio­n'. Some media workers often face delays in receiving due wages and suffer unfair conditions.

This again raises the issue of multiple jurisdicti­ons, eg how can a federally based MCC intrude into the purely provincial aspect of ensuring that a local newspaper in a province fulfils obligation­s? Several legal and procedural issues will obstruct such attempts.

And the suggested media tribunals will supplant the high courts! Any such act of parliament would violate the principle of due process guaranteed by the Constituti­on and be struck down by the Supreme Court.

The all-encompassi­ng scope proposed for the Media Complaints Commission by PMDA is neither feasible nor advisable. A mandate for a new entity to cope with millions of bits of informatio­n generated every day becomes a recipe for a huge new bureaucrac­y - with potential in the worst aspects of such a structure.

Perhaps the most unwelcome aspect of the PMDA controvers­y is that polarised opinions have shifted attention from where it is most needed ie honest, self-critical appraisal by media owners, content originator­s, editors, publishers and senior journalist­s on the need to enhance journalist­ic standards and for major internal reforms, especially in the electronic media.

Regrettabl­y, there are occasional reprehensi­ble attacks on individual journalist­s, sometimes with grievous consequenc­es. By one estimate, over 70 journalist­s have died tragically and unnaturall­y in Pakistan in the past 20 years. A few others are deprived of profession­al occupation and income. Covert pressure is also applied on media owners. Such episodes should not occur. The buck stops with the state.

But there's also the fact that independen­t private media are, for the most part, neither transparen­t in their financial interests (particular­ly in non-media sectors) nor accountabl­e for numerous lapses in taste, balance, tone, accuracy and propriety in media content, and for sheer substandar­d journalism.

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