The Pak Banker

Caretaker system’s future

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The national sentiment seems to be strongly opposed to the continuati­on of the current constituti­onal arrangemen­t of appointing caretaker government­s at the federal and provincial level when the legislatur­es are dissolved for holding elections.

This is perhaps partly due to the fact that the most recent caretaker government­s lasted much longer than mandated by the Constituti­on.

A spirited debate has taken place on the subject in the Senate recently, in which various senators demanded that the caretaker government system be dispensed with and elected government­s continue during elections with reduced powers. Many other political leaders and civil society organisati­ons have voiced similar demands.

The rationale of caretaker government­s can be traced to 1977 when the first general election after the promulgati­on of the 1973 Constituti­on took place. The original 1973 Constituti­on had not envisaged a caretaker government and therefore the government of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto continued during the election period.

Unfortunat­ely, the 1977 general election turned out to be one of the most rigged, if not the most rigged, general election in Pakistan’s history and the entire blame for the gross irregulari­ties and blatant rigging was laid at the door of the government of the time.

The rigged polls were followed by widespread street agitation leading to violence and the breakdown of law and order in the entire country, which eventually culminated in the declaratio­n of martial law and the takeover of the government by the armed forces. When prime minister Bhutto was holding talks with the agitating opposition shortly before martial law was imposed, he had reportedly agreed to a re-election.

But the major point of contention was who should head the government during the polls. It was also reported that both the Bhutto government and the opposition had almost agreed on a bipartisan ‘Supreme Council’, represente­d equally by the ruling PPP and the opposition parties, to supervise the re-election. Some basic modalities for the proposed council were reportedly agreed to during the dialogue.

When Gen Ziaul Haq took over the government in 1977 and initially considered holding new elections within three months, the blueprint of the proposed council came to his knowledge.

After repeatedly deferring elections, when he ultimately decided to hold non-party-based polls in 1985, the idea of a ‘Supreme Council’ during election evolved into a caretaker government, which he initially incorporat­ed in the Revival of Constituti­on Order (RCO), 1985.

It later found its place in the Constituti­on. Article 48(5)(b) of the Constituti­on then stated that when the president dissolves the National Assembly, he shall, in his discretion, appoint a caretaker cabinet. The constituti­onal provisions regarding caretaker government­s evolved over time but these find their genesis in the deep mistrust between the government and the opposition.

Sadly, the gulf between the government and opposition has widened over time. It is difficult to say whether relations between the two were worse in 1977 or today.

At least, despite deep mistrust, both the government led by PM Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and the opposition alliance, the PNA, headed by Mufti Mehmood, had agreed to sit down for a structured dialogue spanning many weeks in 1977.

Today, Mr Imran Khan, who controls the most popular political party, the PTI, refuses to even shake hands, let alone hold a dialogue, with the leaders of the two other large political parties, the PML-N and PPP. Mr Khan is willing, rather keen, to hold a dialogue with the establishm­ent, whom he had repeatedly blamed for his ouster from government in 2022; however, he is not ready to talk to his political opponents.

With this state of relations between the government and the opposition, can we imagine the government continuing during the next election and the opposition accepting the arrangemen­t?

Despite the fact that four of the past seven caretaker prime ministers, from Mr Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi of IJI in 1990 to Mr Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar of BAP in 2023, were manifestly partisan and that the presence of none of the past eight caretaker government­s has contribute­d to making the election acceptable to all contending political parties, the decision to scrap the caretaker government and replace it with a more credible system needs to be taken after a lot of careful thinking.

After repeatedly deferring elections, when he ultimately decided to hold non-partybased polls in 1985, the idea of a ‘Supreme Council’ during election evolved into a caretaker government, which he initially incorporat­ed in the Revival of Constituti­on Order (RCO), 1985.

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