Business World

Does gender diversity on boards really boost company performanc­e?

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MANY COMMENTATO­RS suggest that gender diversity in the corporate boardroom improves company performanc­e because of the different points of view and experience it offers. However, rigorous, peer-reviewed academic research paints a different picture. Despite the intuitive appeal of the argument that gender diversity on the board improves company performanc­e, research suggests otherwise.

Results of numerous academic studies of the topic suggest that the presence of more female board members does not much improve — or worsen — a firm’s performanc­e. In this opinion piece, Wharton management professor Katherine Klein summarizes academic research on the topic and discusses the possible reasons and implicatio­ns for these surprising findings. Ms. Klein is also the vice-dean of the Wharton Social Impact Initiative.

Do companies with women on the board perform better than companies whose boards are allmale? Many popular press articles and fund managers make this claim, citing studies by consulting firms, informatio­n providers and financial institutio­ns, such as McKinsey, Thomson Reuters and Credit Suisse.

Writing recently on Huffington Post, for example, one consultant observed the following:

“Companies with gender diverse management teams have been proven to consistent­ly perform better and be more profitable than those without them. There is overwhelmi­ng evidence to support the value of having more women in senior leadership positions. A growing body of research — including studies by McKinsey & Company — has proven that companies with more women in senior executive and board roles have advantages over those that don’t.”

But research conducted by consulting firms and financial institutio­ns is not as rigorous as peer- reviewed academic research. Here, I dig into the findings of rigorous, peer- reviewed studies of the relationsh­ip between board gender diversity and company performanc­e.

Spoiler alert: Rigorous, peerreview­ed studies suggest that companies do not perform better when they have women on the board. Nor do they perform worse. Depending on which meta- analysis you read, board gender diversity either has a very weak relationsh­ip with board performanc­e or no relationsh­ip at all.

WEALTH OF DATA ON BOARD GENDER DIVERSITY

There have been many rigorous, peer-reviewed studies of board gender diversity. Given global interest in the effects of board gender diversity and the availabili­ty of abundant data on board gender compositio­n and firm performanc­e, many researcher­s have

investigat­ed the topic. The research literature includes over 100 studies of firms in 35 countries and five continents (Post and Byron, 2015).

Consider two recent meta- analyses that have been conducted to summarize prior research on the topic. Post and Byron (2015) synthesize­d the findings from 140 studies of board gender diversity with a combined sample of more than 90,000 firms from more than 30 countries.

Pletzer, Nikolova, Kedzior, and Voelpel (2015) took a different approach, conducting a meta-analysis of a smaller set of studies — 20 studies that were published in peer-reviewed academic journals and that tested the relationsh­ip between board gender diversity and firm financial performanc­e (return on assets, return on equity, and Tobin’s Q).

NO CLEAR BUSINESS CASE

The results of these two meta-analyses, summarizin­g numerous rigorous, original peer-reviewed studies, suggest that the relationsh­ip between board gender diversity and company performanc­e is either non-exist (effectivel­y zero) or very weakly positive.

Further, there is no evidence available to suggest that the addition, or presence, of women on the board actually causes a change in company performanc­e.

In sum, the research results suggest that there is no business case for — or against — appointing women to corporate boards. Women should be appointed to boards for reasons of gender equality, but not because gender diversity on boards leads to improvemen­ts in company performanc­e.

The two meta-analyses reached very similar conclusion­s, despite the difference­s in the underlying studies (140 studies vs. 20, etc.). Because meta-analyses provide a statistica­l summary — a sophistica­ted averaging — of the results of prior studies, their findings are much more credible than the findings of any single study. The fact that two quite distinctiv­e meta-analyses reached nearly identical conclusion­s carries a lot of weight.

Post and Byron (2015) found that firms with more female directors tend to have slightly higher “accounting returns,” such as return on assets and return on equity, than firms with fewer female directors. The relationsh­ip was statistica­lly significan­t — suggesting it wasn’t a chance effect — but it was tiny. (Statistica­l significan­ce depends in part on sample size. So, a tiny effect is statistica­lly significan­t if the sample is big enough.)

The average correlatio­n between board gender diversity and firm accounting performanc­e, Post and Byron found, was .047. This suggests that gender diversity on the board explains about twotenths of 1% of the variance in company performanc­e. The average correlatio­n between board gender diversity and firm market performanc­e (such as stock performanc­e, shareholde­r returns) was even smaller and was not statistica­lly significan­t.

Pletzer and his colleagues ( 2015) found that the average correlatio­n between the percentage of women on the board and firm performanc­e was small (.01) and not statistica­lly significan­t.

It’s worth noting that even if the metaanalys­es revealed a stronger relationsh­ip between board gender diversity and firm performanc­e, we couldn’t conclude that board gender diversity causes firm performanc­e. To establish causal effects, you need to conduct a randomized control trial. But, that’s impossible here; we can’t randomly assign board members to companies.

GENDER DIVERSITY IN THE BOARDROOM

Commentato­rs often suggest that corporate boards that include women will make better decisions than boards that include only men. The argument is that women differ from men in their knowledge, experience­s, and values and thus bring novel informatio­n and perspectiv­es to the board. They increase the board’s “cognitive variety.” The greater a board’s cognitive variety, the theory goes, the more options it is likely to consider and the more deeply it is likely to debate those options.

We don’t know exactly why this theoretica­l logic doesn’t hold among corporate boards. It is worth noting that gender diversity in other kinds of work teams is not significan­tly positively related to performanc­e, either. Despite popular press accounts that suggest that teams high in gender diversity outperform those composed only of men or only of women, rigorous research does not support this conclusion. Meta-analyses linking team gender diversity to team performanc­e (e.g., Bell et al., 2011) reach much the same conclusion as meta- analyses linking board gender diversity to firm performanc­e — that is, the relationsh­ip between team gender diversity and team performanc­e is tiny.

What’s going on here? Again, we can’t know for certain why board diversity doesn’t predict company performanc­e, but it seems likely that some of the following factors explain the very weak and mostly non-significan­t effects:

The women named to corporate boards may not in fact differ very much in their values, experience­s, and knowledge from the men who already serve on these boards. The argument that gender diversity on the board will improve company performanc­e rests on the assumption that the addition of one or more women to an all-male board will increase the board’s “cognitive variety” because women — the argument goes — differ from men in their values, experience­s, and knowledge.

While research indicates that in general male and female adults differ somewhat in their values, experience­s, and knowledge (and the difference­s are not huge), it’s not clear that male and female board members differ all that much in their values, experience­s, and knowledge. After all, both male and female board members are likely to be selected for their profession­al accomplish­ments, experience, and competence. If male and female board members are fairly similar in their values, experience, and knowledge, the addition of women to an allmale board may not increase the board’s cognitive variety as one might expect at first blush.

• Even if the women named to corporate boards are different from the men on these boards, they may not speak up in board conversati­ons and they may lack the influence to change the board’s decisions. When individual­s are minorities, tokens, or outliers in a group, they often self-censor, holding back from expressing beliefs and opinions that run counter to the beliefs and opinions of the majority of the group. And even when individual­s who are minorities, tokens, or outliers speak up, the majority group members may discount their views. If these dynamics occur within corporate boards, boards may not take full advantage of their own cognitive variety.

• Even if women who are named to corporate boards are different from the men on these boards and even if the women do speak up and influence board decision-making, their influence may not be consistent­ly positive (or consistent­ly negative, for that matter). Some research suggests, for example, that gender- diverse boards make fewer acquisitio­ns than all-male boards (Chen, Crossland and Huang, 2016). But, is this good or bad for firm performanc­e? Companies are likely to benefit from acquisitio­ns in some circumstan­ces and to suffer in other circumstan­ces. If that’s the case, the average effect on firm performanc­e of adding women to the board and thus decreasing risk-taking may be neutral.

• And, finally, even if the addition of women to corporate boards does improve cognitive variety and decision making, companies may only see benefits to their accounting performanc­e ( their sales, profits, return on assets, for example) — not their market returns. Other things being equal, market analysts may, consciousl­y or unconsciou­sly, regard allmale boards as more competent than boards that are more gender-diverse. If so, board gender diversity may be positively related to accounting returns, but not market returns. Indeed, this is what Post and Byron’s meta-analysis showed. Still, the relationsh­ip between gender diversity and accounting returns was tiny.

WOMEN DIRECTORS AND OTHER DIMENSIONS OF COMPANY PERFORMANC­E

While the relationsh­ip between board gender diversity and company performanc­e is very weak, there appears to be a somewhat stronger relationsh­ip between board gender diversity and corporate social responsibi­lity (CSR). Byron and Post (2016) meta-analyzed the results of 87 studies and found that board gender diversity is weakly but significan­tly positively correlated with CSR. The average correlatio­n is .15. Board gender diversity thus explains about 1% of the variance in companies’ engagement in CSR. This isn’t a strong relationsh­ip, but it’s a good bit stronger than the relationsh­ip between board diversity and corporate performanc­e.

Again, it’s important to remember that a significan­t correlatio­nal relationsh­ip does not prove causality. While it’s possible that the addition of women to the board causes an increase in CSR, existing research cannot prove it. Companies that engage in CSR, or intend to do so, may be particular­ly inclined to appoint women to the board. So, existing findings could reflect a causal relationsh­ip, a reverse-causal relationsh­ip, or the effects of other variables. We don’t know and cannot know.

Researcher­s have also studied the relationsh­ip between board diversity and various board decisions and practices such as acquisitio­ns, board monitoring and dividend payouts ( Ararat, Aksu, Cetin, 2015; Chen, Crossland and Huang, 2016; Chen, Leung, & Goergen, 2017). By studying outcomes that are more proximal or immediatel­y related to board decision making than is company performanc­e, researcher­s may shed more light on when, whether, and how diverse boards differ from allmale boards. Still, given all the studies of board diversity and company performanc­e that have been conducted to date, it seems very unlikely that new research will reveal a strong, clear relationsh­ip between board diversity and company performanc­e.

CEO GENDER AND FIRM PERFORMANC­E

Given the findings of research on board gender diversity, one might wonder about the effects on company performanc­e of CEO gender and top management team gender diversity.

Rigorous, academic studies of CEO gender and company performanc­e tell much the same story as rigorous, academic studies of board gender diversity and company performanc­e do. Ditto for studies of the gender diversity of the top management team.

The best evidence comes from a recent meta-analysis of 146 studies (Jeong and Harrison, 2017). The relationsh­ip between CEO gender and long-term company performanc­e is statistica­lly significan­t, the authors find, but tiny. The average correlatio­n between CEO gender and long-term financial performanc­e is .007. It’s hard to get much closer to zero. Similarly, the relationsh­ip of top management team (TMT) gender diversity and company performanc­e is statistica­lly significan­t but very small. The correlatio­n is .03. The authors conclude the following:

“Undoubtedl­y, breaking the glass ceiling matters. It signals an end, or at least the beginning of an end, to gender exclusivit­y in firm leadership. Are there further consequenc­es for firm performanc­e if females join a firm’s upper echelons? If so, how and when? An immense investigat­ive effort has been devoted to these questions: over 140 studies in the past several decades, conducted in dozens of countries, and published in journals from many different discipline­s and theoretica­l traditions. Yet, the answers have not been clear or consistent.

Using meta-analytic techniques, we have uncovered findings that help to settle some of those answers. Our foremost conclusion is that there is no cumulative, zero-order evidence of long-term performanc­e declines for firms that have more females in their upper echelons (as CEOs or TMT members).

By and large, the obverse is true: breaking glass helps firms — slightly. There are small but dependably positive associatio­ns of female representa­tion in CEO positions and TMTs with long-term value creation for a firm’s fiscal outcomes. The modest size of the positive effects helps explain ambiguity and inconsiste­ncy in prior scholarshi­p (past research has been triangulat­ing on a weak signal in a noisy field), and they caution against overclaimi­ng about strong or causally dependable financial benefits (Eagly, 2016).

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