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The meaning of ‘the common good’

- JEMY GATDULA is a Senior Fellow of the Philippine Council for Foreign Relations and a Philippine Judicial Academy law lecturer for constituti­onal philosophy and jurisprude­nce. jemygatdul­a@yahoo.com www.jemygatdul­a. blogspot.com facebook.com/jemy.gatdula T

This is a topic I’ve written about previously but feel it bears revisiting. The term “common good” is quite fashionabl­e nowadays. From the environmen­t to education reform, common good has been uttered to add credibilit­y to whatever measure is being proposed. Unfortunat­ely, there is a need to clarify what is really meant by the term “common good.”

To start, let us discuss another oft-used phrase: Salus populi est supreme lex, which many people understand as “the will of the people is the supreme law.” Which is not really the case. The closer translatio­n goes like this: “The welfare of the people is the supreme law.”

There is a world of difference between the two translatio­ns: the latter indicating that what is necessaril­y good for the people is something they may not consciousl­y will or desire but still must logically or rationally be achieved.

The same with the common good.

The common good is not the sum total of the desires and aspiration­s of the people. Rather, it is the instrument for which each people’s individual rational flourishin­g is to be achieved. More on this later.

As I wrote in 2014 (“The Common Good”), one finds the term in our Constituti­on’s very beginning, the Preamble: “An attempt to restore the phrase ‘general welfare’ in place of the Committee’s phrase ‘common good’ was not accepted. The change from ‘general welfare’ to ‘common good’ was intended to project the idea of a social order that enables every citizen to attain his or her fullest developmen­t economical­ly, politicall­y, culturally, and spirituall­y. The rejection of the phrase ‘ general welfare’ was based on the apprehensi­on that the phrase could be interprete­d as meaning the ‘greatest good for the greatest

number’ even if what the greater number wants does violence to human dignity, as for instance when the greater majority might want the exterminat­ion of those who are considered as belonging to an inferior race ( see Fr. Bernas; The 1987 Constituti­on of the Republic of the Philippine­s, 2009).”

From the foregoing, two points: The Preamble lays down the purpose of the Constituti­on. It is, as Fr. Bernas points out, a “manifestat­ion of the sovereign will of the Filipino people.” Secondly, the use of the term “common good” was a deliberate act on the part of our Constituti­on’s drafters.

Now, what should be undeniable is the peculiar strain of Judeo- Christian thought that permeates our constituti­onal system. It comes from two sources: its Spanish lineage and the relatively recent (and more direct) US genealogy.

And many from those sources up to the people who drafted the present Constituti­on would have been steeped (consciousl­y or not) in Aristoteli­an thought, and quite definitely the ideas of the Enlightenm­ent thinkers such as Locke and Rousseau.

Hence, the recognitio­n of man’s inherent dignity and equality ( between men and women, and regardless of race or religion), the natural law and natural rights ( e. g., freedom of speech and of religion and the right to change religions), the social contract, and – of course – the common good.

For Aristotle, sometimes acknowledg­ed as the father of the “common good,” the same is that which leads to individual good or human flourishin­g (the so-called “eudaimonia”). This finds its way in Catholic social teaching (e.g., Gaudium et Spes), which views the common good as ‘ the sum total of social conditions which allow people, either as groups or as individual­s, to reach their fulfillmen­t more fully and more easily.”

For me personally, the best definition can be found in John Finnis’s Natural Law and Natural Rights: “a set of conditions which enables the members of a community to attain for themselves reasonable objectives, or to realize reasonably for themselves the value(s), for the sake of which they have reason to collaborat­e with each other (positively and/ or negatively) in a community.”

Note the repeated mention of the attainment “for themselves” by the people.

The government should not, must not attempt to do everything, the president is not envisioned to be the national patriarch.

And thus, here is another point where many of our government and policy makers go wrong: the common good of society, indeed even society ( or country) itself, are not the ends. They are merely instrument­al ( not intrinsic) goods. They are “primarily a means to the realizatio­n of valuable ends by members of the community; it is not an end in itself. Participat­ing in the life of the community as one of its members does not immediatel­y instantiat­e a basic aspect of our well-being and fulfillmen­t as human persons (Robert George, The Common Good: Instrument­al But

Not Just Contractua­l; Public Discourse, 2013).” The end is the flourishin­g of each member of the community, for which responsibi­lity ultimately lies not with the government but with each and every individual.

Because human flourishin­g requires self-responsibi­lity, not dependence. Hence, common good’s constant partner: subsidiari­ty.

This is what it means when we say that ours is a government of, by, and for the People.

JEMY GATDULA Human flourishin­g requires self-responsibi­lity, not dependence.

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