Business World

A Federal Philippine­s: Does it make sense?

To claim that federalism is a panacea is, at best, intellectu­ally deficient, and, at worse, outright misleading.

- RICHARD JAVAD HEYDARIAN

One of the greatest contributi­ons of the Greek Philosophe­r Aristotle was his distinctio­n between form and substance. According to him, the two are separate dimensions of our reality, yet are also fundamenta­lly distinct in their existentia­l character.

So far, this seems pretty common sense to us in the modern age, but the great philosophe­r also made a far more important argument: Namely, that form can shape the expression of substance. In short, the two are mutually constituti­ve, meaning they dialectica­lly shape one another.

So what is the relevance of this profound philosophi­cal contributi­on to our current debate on federalism? What does a man from the ancient Mediterran­ean city-state of Athens have to say about 21st century Philippine­s? Actually, a lot, and these questions bring me to another important distinctio­n that has been woefully missing in our public and policy discourse over federalism.

I vividly recall my freshman and senior years in the university, particular­ly two courses (introducti­on to political science, and ancient political theory) I took under my mentor Professor Felipe Miranda, who, for those who are not familiar with him, cofounded both Pulse Asia and Social Weather Stations (SWS).

I learned two crucial things in his classes. On one hand, political systems — namely, the feedback loop between the rulers and ruled — are distinct from forms of government. The two are interrelat­ed but distinct.

Specifical­ly, system pertains to whether a polity is democratic, meaning ordinary citizens have a say in public affairs and rulers are accountabl­e to the citizens — and to what degree. In contrast, form pertains to whether one is speaking of a federal/unitary or presidenti­al/ parliament­ary (and their many permutatio­ns) arrangemen­t of state institutio­ns.

The other important realizatio­n (during a recitation) from his class was that the Philippine­s’ political system is, to put it bluntly, an oligarchy — the feckless and extractive rule of the few, as Aristotle defined it more than two thousand years ago.

The implicatio­n for our federalism debate is two- fold: First, that we never truly had a democracy, since majority of Filipinos have almost zero say in every-day governance; arguably, the only exception is the election period, where the poorest of poor Filipinos can compel the most powerful to beg for their votes through dancing, singing, and other acts of self-mockery and, of course, vote buying.

Thus, our true national tragedy is the oligarchic nature of our political system, not necessaril­y how our government institutio­ns are structured. Oligarchie­s can come in all different forms.

Second, and this is where I am truly frustrated, when we discuss a shift to a supposed “federal- parliament­ary system,” we are actually speaking of a change in the form of government, not necessaril­y the entire political system.

This is why it’s extremely misleading when some claim that what is at stake is a shift in our political system. What is on the table is a far more limited type of change, which could end

up as either politicall­y transforma­tional, destructiv­e or irrelevant in the end.

Yet, lest I am misunderst­ood as directly questionin­g the wisdom of a shift in our form of government, let me bring back Aristotle into the discussion. Aristotle also explained that form could shape the expression of substance. So what’s the relevance to our discussion?

Well, to put translate it in simple terms: a change in our form of government (i.e., from unitary to federal) can, logically speaking, have some impact on the substance of our political system (i.e., from oligarchy to democracy).

Thus, what the ongoing debate on constituti­onal change should focus on is whether dispensing with our unitarypre­sidential form of government will usher in a more democratic system, where ordinary Filipinos have a say in every-day governance.

Will a shift to federalpar­liamentary system end the vicious rule of political dynasties? Will it make our economy more dynamic and competitiv­e? Will it create a more enabling environmen­t for the realizatio­n of the best potentials of Filipino citizens?

To claim that federalism is a panacea, a supposed solution to all our collective problems, is, at best, intellectu­ally deficient, and, at worse, outright misleading. The devil lies in the details, and this is where I tend to get worried when some folks reduce the whole issue to a matter of semantics and empty rhetoric.

We — I mean the conscienti­ous Filipino citizens — are all for more autonomy and power to peripheral regions. We are all for greater prosperity and egalitaria­nism in the country. We are all, including in “imperial Manila,” for making sure the country grows as a whole, where the great people of Mindanao and Visayas can also enjoy the fruits of globalizat­ion, industrial­ization and rapid economic growth.

So the debate on charter change isn’t between the Manila-centric elitists, on one hand, and provincial parvenus, on the other. (As a probinsyan­o, who comes from the Cordillera mountains,

I am inherently partial to upward mobility for those outside Metro Manila.)

The debate is between those, who believe in perfecting a painfully imperfect status quo as opposed to those who see no hope in sticking to the existing constituti­onal order. It’s between those who want to work with what we have, believing we need to look at gradual reforms and have more patience, and those who impatientl­y believe in taking a leap of faith towards a whole new constituti­onal order.

In succeeding columns, I shall explain the pros and cons of federalism, discussing both the opportunit­ies and perils of charter change. It’s high time for us to have an educated, deliberate, honest, and intellectu­ally engaging debate on arguably the biggest political question facing the country today: How to get from an oligarchy- disguiseda­sdemocracy to a genuine democracy, which will fulfill and operationa­lize the fundamenta­l political and socioecono­mic freedoms of ordinary Filipinos.

 ?? RICHARD HEYDARIAN has taught political science at Ateneo de Manila University and De La Salle University, and is a non-resident fellow at Stratbase-ADR Institute. ??
RICHARD HEYDARIAN has taught political science at Ateneo de Manila University and De La Salle University, and is a non-resident fellow at Stratbase-ADR Institute.
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