Business World

AGRICULTUR­E, AGRICULTUR­E, AGRICULTUR­E

- CALIXTO V. CHIKIAMCO

Agricultur­al developmen­t will have a collateral, but very important, benefit: it will help reduce insurgency and bad peace and order in the countrysid­e, which, in turn, would lead to more investment­s and increased tourism. Moreover, a rising rural middle class will help check the proliferat­ion of political dynasties and strengthen our democracy.

My former college economics professor, Dr. Bernie “Dr. Boom” Villegas, was once quoted chanting the mantra of “agricultur­e, agricultur­e, agricultur­e” when asked about the developmen­t direction of the country. Indeed, while the political Left were enamored with “nationalis­t industrial­ization,” and rent-seekers with “import-substituti­ng industrial­ization,” Bernie was an outlier. After all, agricultur­e was unsexy, while industrial­ization, with its image of mighty steel mills and factory sinews, represente­d progress and modernizat­ion.

Guess what? It turns out Bernie was and is right, after all. Not that we shouldn’t pursue industrial modernity, but first things first, and that means agricultur­al developmen­t. Agricultur­al developmen­t is the foundation of sustainabl­e, inclusive growth.

That truism has been brought to the fore with the recent economic data showing higher consumer inflation on the back of higher food prices and weak export performanc­e, resulting in record trade deficits marked by faltering agricultur­al exports. In the last quarter, agricultur­al growth turned negative. As a result, agricultur­al production is estimated to be 1 to 1.5% for the year, way below population growth.

The weakness of our agricultur­al sector shows our vulnerabil­ity to all sorts of shocks, from natural disasters to oil price shocks. The pain of increasing oil prices would not have mattered so much if it weren’t accompanie­d by higher food prices. Further, our export base is undiversif­ied. We have miniscule agricultur­al exports, unlike, say, Vietnam. A global recession can cause exports, primarily in import-intensive electronic­s, to spiral downward, further pressuring the peso and our ability to finance capital imports.

The beauty of agricultur­al developmen­t is manifold: It will address the problem of rural poverty since the poorest of the poor work in the countrysid­e; it will create a domestic demand for wage goods since rising incomes in the countrysid­e will make an expanding market for industry. It will also act as a buffer to the vagaries of global demand for exports, especially in this age of trade wars and anti-globalism; it will spawn agro-industries, i.e. factories processing raw agricultur­al products and transformi­ng them to higher value-added goods.

Agricultur­al developmen­t will also have a collateral, but very important, benefit: it will help reduce insurgency and bad peace and order in the countrysid­e, which, in turn, would lead to more investment­s and increased tourism. Moreover, a rising rural middle class will help check the proliferat­ion of political dynasties and strengthen our democracy.

I know of very few countries which industrial­ized without agricultur­al developmen­t as the foundation of their modernizat­ion and industrial­ization. Land poor economies like Singapore and Hong Kong essentiall­y developed by importing the agricultur­al productivi­ty of other countries through free trade. However, for the rest, agricultur­al developmen­t goes hand in hand with industrial­ization. In fact, the United States’ economy is sustained by the high productivi­ty of its agricultur­al sector. Just about 1% of the population feeds the rest and there’s even a bountiful surplus which it exports.

By the way, it’s not true that agricultur­al developmen­t leads to dead-end growth. The Netherland­s is an example of how a country continues to derive increasing­ly higher value output from agricultur­e and, in the process, has become the second-largest agricultur­al exporter in the world despite being a tiny country. This is more true now in the age of biotech. Plants and animals can be transforme­d into factories of complex chemical, pharmaceut­ical, and environmen­tal products. (E.g., Rice can be infused with Vitamin A through biotech. Plants can be turned into biofactori­es producing peptides for medicine.) In this, the Philippine­s has a competitiv­e advantage, having one of the most diversifie­d flora and fauna in the world.

And what about China? Deng’s first reform involved agricultur­e. Under Mao, the emphasis on heavy industry under the Great Leap Forward led to widespread famine and millions of deaths. When Deng took over, the first and most important reform he did was to change the property rights in agricultur­e: he decollecti­vized farming and instituted the household responsibi­lity system. Essentiall­y, Deng introduced capitalism in agricultur­e

by allowing farming households to determine what to plant, sell to the market, and keep the fruits of their produce.

Deng ’s agricultur­al reform was a Big Bang of sorts for China’s developmen­t: it resulted in dramatic increases in agricultur­al productivi­ty, which in turn not only led to the reduction in rural poverty, but also led to agricultur­al savings that financed industrial developmen­t. While increased agricultur­al productivi­ty led to surplus labor, displaced peasants and farm workers went into gainful employment in higher productivi­ty manufactur­ing. Sharp devaluatio­ns of the Chinese yuan, an open door policy for foreign investment­s, flexible labor policies, and emphasis on infrastruc­ture (ports, roads, bridges) for exportled manufactur­ing, enabled industry to take off.

In contrast, here in the Philippine­s, we have neglected and continue to neglect agricultur­e. Instead of productivi­ty, the emphasis is on land distributi­on — of the wrong kind. CARP (Comprehens­ive Land Reform Program) has transforme­d landless peasants into, in the words of National Scientist Dr. Raul Fabella, “impoverish­ed landowners.” Equity for farmerpeas­ants as a matter of social justice is fine, but the state has shackled them with all sorts of restrictio­ns. They can’t borrow or sell their land within 10 years, or until their amortizati­ons are paid. They can’t succeed too much either, because they or anybody else, for that matter, can’t own farmland beyond five hectares. Since farmers die, their heirs divide the land into ever smaller cuts of land. (The average size is now just a hectare.) To top it all, the state gave them collective CLOAs, a sort of communisti­c documentat­ion of their land ownership with many farmer-beneficiar­ies covered under just one land title. (About 50% of all CARP lands are still under a collective title.)

What we need to do is to free the rural land market: free from the restrictio­ns imposed by CARP and the overreach by the Department of Agrarian Reform over all types of rural land. The second stage of social justice, after distributi­on, is to give farmer beneficiar­ies control over their own land and not shackle them with all sorts of restrictio­ns. Even China, which is socialist in name and doesn’t allow their farmers to own the land but to lease it, has given its farmers tradable leasing rights, which allow small farms to be consolidat­ed. What Philippine agricultur­e needs is more capitalism, and not statism.

Unfortunat­ely, the Duterte government has neglected agricultur­e. Agricultur­e Secretary Manny Piñol, Mr.” Missing in Action” after typhoons, is a populist politician and just rehashes old and tired policies: free irrigation, free fertilizer, and rice self-sufficienc­y. The result is what we see now: anemic agricultur­al growth, rising rice prices, and falling agricultur­al exports.

It’s not surprising, however, that the Agricultur­al department is bereft of imaginatio­n and innovation. It’s more known for corruption (remember the fertilizer and Napoles scams?) because the farmers are too poor and politicall­y weak to protest. Its policies reek of control and giveaways that make it a fertile ground for corruption.

It would also have been better if BBB (Build, Build, Build) had been more oriented toward agricultur­al developmen­t in the rural areas. Instead of bigticket white elephants like trains and subways, which take time to implement and could be economical­ly infeasible, BBB could have incorporat­ed more regional roads and regional ports which would be faster to implement and give access to metropolit­an markets for agricultur­al produce. Again, regional roads and ports are unsexy while big ticket projects, especially Official Developmen­t Assistance (ODA)-funded ones, are easier to extract rent from.

The Duterte administra­tion’s mantra is “Build, Build, Build.” I say, however, that it should listen and learn from the wise Dr. Villegas, who has chanted, quite correctly, “Agricultur­e, Agricultur­e, Agricultur­e!”

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