Business World

Now is the perfect time to change the Constituti­on

- By Calixto V. Chikiamco CALIXTO “TOTI” V. CHIKIAMCO is a BPO entreprene­ur, book author, and is president of the Foundation for Economic Freedom.

NOW is the perfect time to change the Constituti­on. It’s the perfect time because Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. is president.

It’s the perfect time politicall­y. President “Bongbong” Marcos is not invested in the 1987 Constituti­on. He’s the perfect person to initiate changes because the 1987 Constituti­on was born from the ouster of his late father. The stars aligned when he, representi­ng the anti-thesis to the Anti-Marcos Yellow People’s Power revolution, became President and head of government.

He is also the first President to be elected with an overwhelmi­ng mandate of 59%. This is a mandate for systemic change.

The coalition that deposed his father and wrote the 1987 Constituti­on has been defeated politicall­y. This means that the people have rejected the ideology behind the 1987 Constituti­on.

The informal coalition behind the 1987 People Power revolution included the anti-Marcos oligarchy, the Catholic Church, middle-class profession­als and social democratic activists, and the communist Left. While the CPP-NPA (Communist Party of the Philippine­s – National People’s Army) boycotted the 1983 elections, nonetheles­s they were still part of the informal coalition. They formed the core of the anti-dictatorsh­ip rebel forces, with at least 25,000 NPA fighters pinning down the Marcos military. The Left’s united front organizati­on, the National Democratic Front, was active in the antiMarcos struggle.

The ideology of this coalition was reflected in the 1987 Constituti­on, which was written by appointed members to a Constituti­onal Commission by former President Corazon Aquino. The antiMarcos oligarchy got Filipino First and Filipino Only provisions in the Constituti­on, ensuring a lack of competitio­n from foreign investors.

Not only were the Filipino Only provisions from the 1935 and 1973 Constituti­ons carried over, but these were expanded to mass media and advertisin­g and the practice of profession­s.

The Filipino First policy provisions in the Constituti­on also ensured an overarchin­g advantage to the Filipino oligarchy. These protection­ist provisions made rent-seeking the economic model of the Philippine economy.

The Catholic Church got a provision effectivel­y prohibitin­g abortion in Section 12 Article 2 that states, as a matter of principle and national policy, “the State shall equally protect the life of the mother and the life of the unborn from conception.”

The Yellow-Leftist ideas in the Constituti­on enshrined “statism,” or state interventi­on, in the provision that “the State shall regulate the acquisitio­n, ownership, use, and dispositio­n of property and its increments.”

A significan­t portion of the Constituti­on is about Yellow-Leftist ideas on social justice and asset distributi­on. While in theory, this was commendabl­e, in practice, since the economy was based on rentseekin­g and statism, it merely resulted in the redistribu­tion of poverty.

An example is the landmark 1987 Comprehens­ive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL), a product of the ideas on social justice in the 1987 Constituti­on. Instead, as real social justice demands redistribu­ting lands to the farmers for free and giving them economic freedom, CARL saddled agrarian reform beneficiar­ies with long-term debt, prohibited them from mortgaging and selling their lands, prohibited them from expanding beyond the land retention limit of five hectares, and substitute­d the landlord with an inefficien­t and corrupt government. The result has been perverted social justice. Landless peasants became impoverish­ed landlords. Agricultur­al productivi­ty fell. The Philippine became more food import dependent. Bureaucrat­s, on the other hand, who had to give permits, from land conversion­s to food importatio­n, became rich, as well as the criminal syndicates behind them.

Statism together with Protection­ism ensured that rent-seeking (and its manifestat­ion, massive corruption) became the dominant economic activity.

The Left, particular­ly the communist Left, has been a driving force behind Statism and Protection­ism. The Left and its allies have been loud opponents of opening the economy. Their anti-imperialis­t ideology is aligned with that of the Filipino oligarchy and makes the Left strange allies with the oligarchic Right.

Now is also the perfect time to change the Constituti­on because the Left is nearly dead politicall­y and militarily. CPP Founder, Jose Ma. Sison, died on Dec. 16, 2022, after decades in exile. The CPP conjugal leaders, Benito and Wilma Tiamzon, died on Aug. 22, 2022, when their boat exploded while being chased by military forces. From about 25,000 active fighters in 1987, the NPA has dwindled to about 1,500 armed fighters and zero guerrilla fronts.

The last elections showed a clear political defeat of the Left. The leftist Makabayan bloc, which used to win at least 12 representa­tives to Congress based on the party-list system, managed to eke out only three representa­tives. The socialist candidate, Leody de Guzman, got a measly 0.2% of the vote.

The Yellows too suffered a big political defeat. Their candidate Leni Robredo got only 15 million votes, less than half of the 31 million votes of Bongbong Marcos. Only Risa Hontiveros managed to get elected senator. In the coming 2025 senatorial elections, not a single Yellow candidate is among the top 12 based on the latest surveys.

The Catholic Church, which had been influentia­l in politics under the late Cardinal Sin, has retreated from political activities, must contend with sex abuse scandals, and is focused on its schism (between the conservati­ves and the progressiv­es under Pope Francis).

The decisive political defeat of the Yellows and the coalition behind the 1987 Constituti­on showed the failure of the 1987 Constituti­on to meet the aspiration­s of the Filipino people. The overwhelmi­ng mandate given to Marcos and Duterte in 2022 showed that the Filipino people wanted a different direction for the country and an overhaul of the failed economic model and ideology behind the 1987 Constituti­on.

It’s timely to change the Constituti­on because President Bongbong Marcos also has overwhelmi­ng support from the majority in the Senate and Congress. The timing is also right because the next presidenti­al election is still four years away. Marcos is not yet a lame-duck president.

It would be a political mortal sin if Marcos and Duterte don’t listen to their mandate. Keeping to leftist and oligarchic policies of Protection­ism and Statism would not be in keeping with the voice of the people. Politician­s risk voters’ anger if they don’t listen to the mandate given to them.

If we don’t change the Constituti­on now, when the political conditions are ripe, when will we ever get another chance to change it?

 ?? ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Philippines