Business World

Alabama’s IVF ruling shows US slide toward theocracy

- By Charles M. Blow © 2024 THE NEW YORK TIMES

IF YOU DON’T THINK this country is sliding toward theocracy, you’re not paying attention.

The drumbeat of incidents moving us ever closer to the seemingly inescapabl­e future is so steady and frequent that we’ve developed outrage fatigue — we’ve grown numb.

For instance, on Tuesday, the Alabama Supreme Court ruled that frozen embryos are children, and that destructio­n of those embryos, even by accident, is subject to the state’s Wrongful Death of a Minor Act. In his concurring opinion, the chief justice of the court, Tom Parker, wrote, “Even before birth, all human beings bear the image of God, and their lives cannot be destroyed without effacing his glory.”

The ruling could mean less access to reproducti­ve care in Alabama if specialist­s in the field of in vitro fertilizat­ion (IVF) simply choose to practice in states that don’t threaten their efforts.

There have been cases before in which embryos were destroyed as a result of negligence, but the Alabama decision significan­tly ups the ante. It essentiall­y turns cryopreser­vation tanks into frozen nurseries.

The idea is absurd and unscientif­ic. It is instead tied to a religious crusade to downgrade the personhood of women by conferring personhood on frozen embryos.

I called Sean Tipton, the chief advocacy and policy officer at the American Society for Reproducti­ve Medicine, who said: “One of the points in the abortion debate is, ‘Is it really about abortion or is it about controllin­g women and controllin­g sex?’ And this clearly exposes the idea that it’s not just about abortion.” He said, “There is no more pro-life medical treatment available, ever, than in vitro fertilizat­ion, and this decision clearly threatens the ability for that to continue.”

Control of women’s bodies is the endgame. And some religious conservati­ves won’t stop until that goal is achieved. For that reason, intervenin­g victories — like the overturnin­g of Roe v. Wade — will never be seen as enough; they will only intensify a blinding sense of righteousn­ess.

There is an array of reproducti­ve rights cases percolatin­g around the country that could make their way to the Supreme Court — the same court that Donald Trump brags about transformi­ng, having appointed onethird of its justices. The legal and political battles over these issues are far from over, and the preservati­on of women’s remaining rights is far from certain.

The only thing that seems to be temporaril­y stopping congressio­nal Republican­s from pushing for a national abortion ban — after years of arguing that their goal was merely to allow individual states to make their own laws — is that the issue of reproducti­ve choice is an electoral loser for their party.

But now Trump is reportedly talking privately about supporting a national 16-week abortion ban, with some exceptions.

This is what many of his supporters want, and many of them believe he has been singularly chosen by God to advance their theocratic aims. It’s one of the reasons that they overlook

Trump’s glaring flaws and the fact that Trump himself is not a particular­ly religious man.

It’s worth noting that many of the right’s efforts, including on the issue of abortion, are led by men who want births but can’t give birth, reflecting an imbalance between power and expectatio­n that may carry over to a younger generation. A fascinatin­g new report from Pew Research found that although men and women 18 to 34 “are about equally likely to say they want to get married,” 57% of young men say they want children one day, compared to just 45% of young women.

Abortion is just one front on which this religious fight is being waged. As of last week, the ACLU was tracking 437 anti-LGBTQ+ bills being considered by state legislatur­es.

Then there’s the alarming effort by conservati­ve groups to transform and reshape the federal government in ways that curtail American freedoms, but also, according to Politico, to bring

Christian nationalis­t ideas into a second Trump administra­tion.

To those advancing these ideas, the will of God counts more than the will of the American people, even when Americans object or disagree.

Reportedly, one idea among the various proposals is invoking the Insurrecti­on Act on Trump’s first day back in office to facilitate deployment of the military against protesters.

We are perilously close to all of this becoming a reality, potentiall­y aided and abetted by disaffecte­d Democratic voters.

I’m talking about many Democrats with single-issue objections to President Joe Biden — whether it’s opposition to his position on the Israel-Hamas war, disappoint­ments about the overall state of the economy, or concerns about the president’s age — who haven’t committed to supporting his reelection, who don’t seem to see that in November the country faces one of the most existentia­l electoral decisions it ever has faced.

If these Democrats decide to punish Biden by sitting it out, they could wind up performing one of the greatest acts of self-immolation in recent political history: abandoning an administra­tion committed to the protection of democracy and possibly allowing the ascension of a theocracy intent on destroying the very freedoms that progressiv­es cherish.

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