Manila Bulletin

A listening process

-

By

MY sincerest thanks to Dr. Faina Abaya Ulindang for sending me a copy of the “Report of the Transition­al Justice and Reconcilia­tion Commission (TJRC)” which was mandated to undertake a study and to make recommenda­tions”… with a view of promoting healing and reconcilia­tion among the different communitie­s affected by the conflict in Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelag­o.” The TJRC is part of the “Normalizat­ion Annex of the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro.” Dr. Ulindang was one of the rapporteur­s of the “listening process” and her findings were included in the final report.

Dr. Ulindang wrote that one of the oldest business establishm­ents in Lanao del Sur, the Matling Corporatio­n, was founded in 1928 on 533 hectares that were part of the ancient domain of the Marana Sultan of Tubok. During the listening process, the residents of Malabang related the following: Due to land titling imposed by the American colonial government, a Cebuano was able to secure titles for 533 hectares, which were eventually sold to Matling. This company expelled the original inhabitant­s, destroyed their homes, their Koran schools (madrasah), and a mosque (masjid). Through the years, descendant­s of the Tubok Sultanate tried to seek redress; in the 1970’s and 1980’s, the vaunted land reform programs of the government gave them hope so they demanded redistribu­tion of land, to no avail. To avoid land reform, Matling converted agricultur­al lands into industrial zones and commercial corporatio­ns and the little that remained went to non-Moro corporate employees.

The Tubok case was replicated throughout Mindanao; legal devices were used to title and expropriat­e lands that were the ancestral homes of native Moros and indigenous peoples.

Our rapporteur cited four waves of land dispossess­ion:

(1) Based on the Spanish Regalian doctrine and the American Torrens titles, Moros and indigenous peoples (lumad) were systematic­ally dispossess­ed of their lands from 1898 to the Commonweal­th. Christian settlers from the north came in droves to work at American-owned plantation­s.

(2)From 1946 to the 1960’s, there was agrarian unrest in Luzon, especially during the post-WWII period. In answer to the “land for the landless” battle cry of Huks, rebels were enticed with resettleme­nt in Mindanao.

(3) From the 1970s to the 1980s, dispossess­ion of land was intensifie­d, specially during the Martial Law years when laws pertaining to land ownership were further modified to create corporate agricultur­al enclaves; settler communitie­s were transforme­d into barangays, municipali­ties and new provinces were carved out of old ones; a new Moro elite emerged many of whom accumulate­d vast tracts of land while in office.

(4) From mid 1980’s to the present, the establishm­ent of the ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao), passage of the CARL (Comprehens­ive Agrarian Reform Law) in 1988, the 1995 Mining Act and the 1997 IPRA (Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act) made land problems more complicate­d due to overlappin­g claims and titling. Continued displaceme­nt, land scarcity, cultivatio­n of high-value crops instead of food have resulted into armed conflicts and deadly attrition orrido.

With regard to the deleteriou­s effects of marginaliz­ation through land dispossess­ion, Dr. Ulindang wrote: “The large-scale, government-sponsored resettleme­nt programs precipitat­ed changes in the demographi­c landscape and political culture in Mindanao and, as a consequenc­e, led to the dissolutio­n of traditiona­l forms of leadership and governance structures in Moro and indigenous communitie­s. In particular, attention was drawn to the phenomenon of ‘gerrymande­ring’ by political elites and their use of patronage and clientele-based politics to ensure electoral victory. In the course of the re-division and reconfigur­ation of what were originally areas of Moro suzerainty, the Moro people were politicall­y and economical­ly marginaliz­ed…”

Our rapporteur also said: “A more contempora­ry manifestat­ion of what can be understood as political gerrymande­ring took place when Moro-majority provinces—the Province of Lanao and the Empire Province of Cotabato—were divided and reconfigur­ed in order to create provinces inhabited by a majority of settlers. The reconfigur­ation left the Moro population politicall­y in control of lands that are geographic­ally and economical­ly marginal, i.e., the mountainou­s parts of Lanao and the swampy parts of Cotabato. During the period of Martial Law, this practice continued without the consent of the respective population­s through a proper plebiscite…

“…The resettleme­nt programs involving migrants from Luzon and the Visayas have taken on the dimensions of ‘ethnic flooding’ that have resulted in the ‘minorizati­on’ of the native population [of Mindanao]. …Land dispossess­ion has not only resulted in political and economic marginaliz­ation, but also in loss of social and cultural identity, land being the source of life of the community and the basis for collective identity.”

No wonder there is a war in Marawi: “…From the perspectiv­e of the Bangsamoro and indigenous peoples, land dispossess­ion and the resulting marginaliz­ation of their communitie­s is a form of historical injustice of such gravity that justifies secession from the Philippine­s, according to modern legal norms…”

This is what we get for not listening, for doing things our way without even asking. I hope the current administra­tion reads the TJRC report, I hope it takes the listening process seriously, before it is too late.

(ggc1898@gmail.com)

 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Philippines