Malaysia’s Mahathir Mohamad
A“SHOCK” election win is how the media describe the recent victory of 92-year-old Mahathir Mohamad who won a fiercely contested fight from the present incumbent, Najib Razak. Mahathir now becomes the longest serving prime minister of his country. He defected from the party he helped build and entrench to lead the opposition, a coalition of the Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope) together with an allied party in Sabah, netting 121 seats and defeating the ruling Barisan National Party. The BNP had ruled Malaysia for six decades since independence from Britain.
Mahathir who ruled Malaysia with an iron hand from 1981 to 2003 was seen as the best hope for “catalyzing a “Malay” tsunami – shifting the country’s ethnic majority from the party they have long been loyal to. His wife Wan Azizah wan Ismail will serve as his deputy prime minister.
A surprise turn during the campaign was when Anwar Ibrahim, his former protégée, and subsequently his deputy minister, decided to join hands with him. Both focused on issues that had turned the public against the current administration – rising cost of living and a multi-million-dollar scandal. Mahathir had promised to seek royal pardon for Anwar if they won the election. Once Anwar is free, he would step aside and let him become prime minister.
It will be remembered that Mahathir had fired Anwar as his deputy minister in 1998. This triggered the start of the movement “Reformasi” or reform to end Najib’s UNMO (United Malays National Organization) party of race and patronage-based governance. Anwar was, however, stopped by charges of sodomy and graft which he had denied but for which he was subsequently jailed. He and his allies thought that the real reason was that he was seen as having become too popular and powerful. Anwar was freed after a number of years in prison but was imprisoned again in 2015 when Najib became prime minister, after another sodomy charge, which he describes as politically motivated.
Both Mahathir and Anwar have had close ties with many Filipinos. Both are nationalists and intellectuals who had shown considerable interest in Philippine culture and history. Mahathir’s novel “The Malay Dilemna” criticizing Malaysian founding minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, resulted in his expulsion from the ruling party.
I met Dr. Mahathir in 1979 when, as minister of education, he hosted a reception for us, delegates of an international meeting in Kuala Lumpur. He told me that he had read most of National Artist F. Sionil Jose’s novels and that he had some of them translated into Bahasa, their national language. During our celebration of our Philippine Centennial, our organizers invited Anwar to be one of the speakers on Rizal as a hero of the Malay race.
In crafting the design of our own federal structure, Malaysia’s federal government was seen as one with features that have culture fit with the one being envisioned.
Malaysia is a federal representative democratic constitutional monarchy where the prime minister is head of government. Executive power is exercised by thee federal government and 13 state governments. Federal legislative power is vested in the federal parliament and the 13 state assemblies. The judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislative. Malaysian politics is described as “consociationalism,” where communal interests are resolved in the context of a grand coalition.
Malaysia’s official ideology is “rukunegara” which means encouraging respect for a pluralistic, multi-religious, and multi-cultural society.” Its national media is largely controlled by the government and by political parties.
Although authoritarianism preceded the administration of Mahathir, it was he who reportedly carried the process forward substantially. Many constitutional changes were made. In his 22-year term, he modernized the commodities-dependent economy that he inherited with industries ranging from electronics to vehicle manufacturing and built expensive infrastructure such as roads, ports, airports, and the world’s tallest twin towers, the Petronas. His controversial capital controls paid off during the 1997 Asian economic crisis when Malaysia made a strong recovery.
His concept of authoritarian rule can be summarized in this statement he made in 2005: “I believe that the country should have a strong government but not too strong. A 2/3 majority is sufficient, but a 90% majority is too strong. (Does this ring a bell?) We need an opposition to remind us if we are making mistakes. When you are not opposed, you think everything you do is right.” A sound advice for the emerging strong political leaders of the world.