Manila Bulletin

Can the Philippine­s eradicate poverty?

(Part I)

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The good news is that the Philippine­s has already started on a sustainabl­e path of at least 6% to 8% GDP (gross domestic product) growth in the coming decades resulting from both robust consumptio­n and investment spending on the demand side and a growing industrial sector (manufactur­ing, constructi­on, and utilities) on the supply side. The bad news is that the Philippine­s is still notorious for having the highest poverty incidence in East Asia, with more than 20% of its population living below the poverty line. Will it be possible for the Philippine­s to bring down its poverty incidence rate to single digit levels in the next decade or so, emulating its peers in Southeast Asia like Vietnam, Malaysia and Indonesia? Or will economic growth just lead to more inequality of income and wealth, as has been the experience in the past?

To answer this question, we should turn to numerous studies on Philippine poverty conducted by leading economists from the University of the Philippine­s, the Philippine Institute of Developmen­t Studies (PIDS), the Asian Developmen­t Bank, and the World Bank. There is no shortage of evidenced-based research on the roots of Philippine poverty. I have read more than 50 scholarly papers written by both Filipino and foreign economists led by such eminent persons as Dr. Arsenio Balicasan (now the Chairperso­n of the Philippine Competitio­n Commission), Alessandro MagnoliaBo­cchi of the World Bank, Dr. Mahar Mangahas of the Social Weather Station, Dr. Rolando Dy of the University of Asia and the Pacific and others.

At the beginning of the presidency of Benigno Aquino III, Dr. Balicasan et al.examined the impact of the Great Recession that started in 2008 on Philippine poverty. As a result of the global crisis, Philippine GDP growth decelerate­d by 1.0 percentage point. Among the major sectors, industry was most adversely affected with 6.0 percentage points lower than the long-term growth potential. Within the industrial sector, manufactur­ing suffered a decelerati­on of 7.7 percentage points. Philippine economic growth, which is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the reduction of poverty, is clearly partly dependent on global developmen­ts. This study in 2010, however, concluded that there are factors that are more domestical­ly determined that have a greater impact on the poverty condition in the country. After all, our East Asian neighbors are even more dependent on global trends for their economies to grow. The fact that all of them have done a better job in reducing poverty incidence demonstrat­es that they have been able to put their respective economies on a better footing to survive global shocks. Compared to other Asian countries, the Philippine poverty reduction has been very slow despite respectabl­e economic growth over a long period of time. The domestic constraint­s have been (1)tight fiscal situation; (2) grossly inadequate infrastruc­ture (transport and power); and (3) low investor confidence because of corruption and political instabilit­y. The authors of the study strongly recommende­d higher investment­s in education, health, infrastruc­ture and productive assets (land and credit) to address the poverty situation.

In a study for the ADB Institute in 2006, Dr. Balicasan et al. traced a major root of Philippine poverty to over-concentrat­ion of resources and investment­s in the National Capital Region and gross negligence of the regions. Providing a regional perspectiv­e, the Philippine­s compared poorly with its Asian neighbors, China, Indonesia and Thailand as regards poverty reduction. A major reason for this was that these three countries were able to decentrali­ze economic activities more rapidly. Despite the good intentions of the Philippine­s Local Government Code of 1991, very little was accomplish­ed in regional economic developmen­t. It was shocking to know that the inequality within regions accounts for over 80% of the national variation in household incomes. A major reason for the underdevel­opment of the regions is the lack of investment­s in rural infrastruc­tures, such as farm to market roads, irrigation systems and post-harvest facilities. In contrast, Thailand invested massively in countrysid­e infrastruc­tures, greatly benefiting both its agricultur­al and tourism sectors.

A study for the World Bank by Alessandro Magnolia Bocchi concluded that a major reason for the slow success in reducing poverty is the very low level of investment as a percentage of GDP compared to its neighborin­g Asian countries. Most Asian countries, especially the so-called “tiger economies,” invested close to a third of their GDP while the Philippine­s had invested less than 20%. There were three major reasons cited by Mr. Bocchi for this low investment rate: First, the public sector could not afford to expand its investment because of fiscal restraints, averaging less than 2% of GDP annually on infrastruc­tures. Second, the capital-intensive sector did not find it profitable to expand its investment because the economy was not growing rapidly enough. Third, fast-growing businesses in the service sector (BPOIT, real estate and retailing) did not have to raise investment­s significan­tly in order to enjoy rising profits. Thus the economy found its equilibriu­m at a low level of capital stock, where all economic agents had no incentive to unilateral­ly increase investment­s which are indispensa­ble for reducing unemployme­nt and poverty. The study recommende­d that economy move to a “high-capital stock” equilibriu­m through better-performing economic zones, a competitiv­e exchange rate, higher tax collection­s and fewer elitecaptu­ring regulation­s.

The most important reason for the persistent­ly high poverty incidence in the Philippine­s is the relative failure of the agrarian reform program. Considerin­g that three fourths of those who are below the poverty line are either farmers or fisherfolk­s, Philippine poverty is predominan­tly a rural phenomenon. One of the most insightful studies of agrarian reform and poverty reduction was done by Dr. Balicasan for the Southeast Asian Regional Center for Graduate Study and Research in Agricultur­e in 2007. From the very beginning of Philippine independen­ce in 1946, Philippine rural poverty and rural insurgency had been linked to access to land and tenure relations. Various government administra­tions since the Second World War used land reform, albeit in various forms and intensity, as a key element of their poverty reduction strategies, as well as a tool to address social unrest in the rural areas. The Comprehens­ive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) was implemente­d with the best of intentions: to redistribu­te the ownership of agricultur­al land more equitably among the small farmers and to free them from unjust practices of the big land lords. Unfortunat­ely, the implementa­tion of CARP suffered seriously from the inability of the State to provide the small farmers with the farm-to-market roads, irrigation system, post-harvest facilities and other rural infrastruc­tures and services they direly needed to make their small farms productive so that they could earn a decent living. With agrarian reform, the farmers went from the frying pan into the fire. (To be continued).

For comments, my email address is bernardo.villegas@uap.asia.

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