Manila Bulletin

The missing link is agricultur­e

- BERNARDO M. VILLEGAS

One of the weakest planks of Philippine economic policy, the missing link in the economic developmen­t of the Philippine­s, is found in the agricultur­al sector. The otherwise sound foundation of Philippine economic developmen­t over the next decade or so, that could lead to sustained annual growth of GDP of 6.5 percent, still suffers from the absence of a coherent plan to raise the country’s low agricultur­al output and productivi­ty. This handicap from which the Duterte Administra­tion continues to suffer was made plainly clear by the recent World Bank Report entitled “Growth and Productivi­ty in the Philippine­s.” In great contrast with its ASEAN peers, especially Thailand, Malaysia and Vietnam, the Philippine­s has failed miserably to increase its exports of agricultur­al products, not to mention to feed its own population. In fact, the recent bout with high rates of inflation was just a symptom of this failure to increase agricultur­al productivi­ty on many fronts.

The irony of it all is that a root problem of this decades-long failure is the very unenlighte­ned effort to attain food security by focusing almost exclusivel­y on rice self-sufficienc­y. This not only created the monster that the National Food Authority (NFA) became, mismanagin­g the importatio­n of rice, but prevented the country from diversifyi­ng away from crops such as rice and corn into higher value crops like coffee, cacao, palm oil, rubber, fruits and vegetables which even late comer Vietnam has been able to do with such admirable efficiency. As the World Bank report accurately observed, despite the government’s inordinate support to rice producers, agricultur­al production only increased from 16 percent in 1991 of GDP to 22 percent in 2013. During this same period, its ASEAN peers diversifie­d to and increased the production of higher-value crops, resulting in higher agricultur­al output and productivi­ty.

Another major reason for the failure in improving agricultur­al productivi­ty was the country’s lengthy and costly agrarian reform program that brought uncertaint­y to beneficiar­ies and undermined investment in agribusine­ss. The motivation of land reform, which started in 1988, was justifiabl­e. It was meant to promote social justice by distributi­ng large landed estates to small farmers. It was aimed at regulating tenancy, establishi­ng a maximum limit on farm sizes, and supporting family farms. Some 7 million hectares of farm lands were distribute­d to small-scale farmers, and about 50 percent of the beneficiar­ies received assistance to improve farm productivi­ty. But there was an utter failure to provide the farm beneficiar­ies with such indispensa­ble support as farm-to-market roads, irrigation facilities, post-harvest and other services. The farmers ended poorer than before, especially in coconut regions, as they lacked access to credit and expertise, and there was less incentive for large farms to invest due to uncertaint­ies. In fact, despite a law requiring banks to invest part of their portfolio in what were called “agri-agra” projects, most banks preferred to pay penalties of hundreds of millions of pesos because of these uncertaint­ies. Although the Comprehens­ive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) Law expired in 2014, there has been no clearcut policy to take its place. The uncertaint­ies remain, especially in the lack of clarity about how small farms can be reconsolid­ated into bigger units to attain economies of scale, following such successful models as the nucleus farms of palm oil plantation­s in Malaysia or cooperativ­e farming in Thailand or Vietnam. Hopefully, recent attempts of the Land Bank to adopt the “corporativ­e” model can be given a chance to work in the planting of high-value crops, including coconuts. This model involves a large corporatio­n working in tandem with small farmers who are helped by the bigger firm to organize themselves as cooperativ­es, including as workers cooperativ­es.

The problem of raising agricultur­al productivi­ty is aggravated by the high vulnerabil­ity of the Philippine­s to natural disasters. For example, the El Nino weather phenomenon contribute­d to an agricultur­al output loss of 6.8 percent in 1998 and 0.4 percent in 2009-10. To make matters even worse, there has been an increase in the severity and intensity of tropical cyclones in recent years. Because poverty incidence in the rural areas is very high, farmers do not have the wherewitha­ls to make the investment­s to mitigate the harmful effects of natural disasters. Compoundin­g their problem even more, small farmers are caught in the cross fire of conflictin­g groups in the countrysid­e. Because of these conflicts, farmers have little incentive to invest in new technology or new crops, or even just to expand their current production. A great deal of resources are redirected towards rebuilding or rehabilita­ting the areas that suffer destructio­n because of these conflicts. Of course, the long-term solution is a more determined effort to reduce the poverty incidence in these areas because conflicts are just symptoms of dehumanizi­ng poverty in these rural areas.

Finally, the World Bank Report rightly points out to the need to improve the coordinati­on of the department­s and agencies that implement agricultur­al policies and programs. It may be easier said than done but it is imperative that something drastic be done with the existing fragmented institutio­nal setup in the agricultur­al sector. This fragmentat­ion results in weak coordinati­on, increases the risk of corruption, reduces the clarity of policy direction and agency roles, and restricts the reach and depth of support provided to the sector. We can only hope that in the second half of the term of President Duterte, the highest priority is assigned to addressing these problems of policy formulatio­n and implementa­tion in the agricultur­al sector, the most neglected in Philippine economic policy making. President Duterte can start by appointing an agricultur­al tzar as competent, honest, and decisive as the economic managers on whom he relies to maintain macroecono­mic stability.

For comments, my email address is bernardo.villegas@uap.asia.

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