The Manila Times

Should Benham Rise be DU30’s Fall?

- FRANCISCO S. TATAD

THE government was quicker to protest the - ippine President (Datu Andrada) making improper Secretary of State (Elizabeth Mc Cord) in the American TV series “Madam Secretary” than to react to the presence of Chinese vessels at Benham Rise, a 13- million hectare mineral- and biodiversi­tyrich area in the undersea region near Aurora province,

known to be part of our extended continenta­l shelf. This was disconcert­ing to most of my friends. Andrada and McCord are fictional characters in a fictional TV series while Benham Rise is a real part of our geography. Had the fictional President been American, would the White House, the State Department or any reasonable American individual have made a mountain out of that molehill? I sincerely doubt it.

In reality, President Rodrigo Duterte likes to make playful passes at pretty TV news reporters during press conference­s. In that respect, he may not be totally unlike the fictional Andrada in the TV series. But even if Andrada and DU30 had identical qualities, wasn’t called DU30 or made to look physically like DU30, there can be no valid ground for a com It’s no more scurrilous than Dan Brown’s Da Vinci Code which amused readers who knew the dis

It’s a political, not military call

But why does the government want to make a federal case of it, while it is so careful not to be seen asserting its rights over Benham Rise? The area is undisputed, unlike any of the various islands, islets and shoals in the West Philippine/ South China Sea, which are highly contested and seen as potential regional flashpoint­s. China itself acknowledg­es our rights to the area, except that PDU30 does not want to offend China by asserting those rights. “My order to the military,” he said, “is to tell them straight it’s ours, but to say it in friendship… Let’s not fight about ownership or sovereignt­y at this time because things are going great for our countries.”

The whole approach seems childish. No one is spoiling for the right and the duty to tell them they have oversteppe­d the limits, if and when they have, as indeed they have. But it is not for our military, as DU30 seems to believe, to tell them our posi Foreign Affairs to make it clear that Benham Rise is part of our extended continenta­l shelf. What does this mean?

Under the UN Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)— (www.un.org), “the continenta­l shelf is that part of the seabed over which a coastal state exercises sovereign rights with regard to the exploratio­n and exploitati­on of natural resources, including oil and gas deposits as well as other mineral and biological resources of the seabed. The le- gal continenta­l shelf extends to a distance of 200 nautical miles from its coast, or further if the shelf naturally extends beyond that limit.”

The extended continenta­l shelf

Where the continenta­l shelf extends beyond 200 nautical miles a State is required by UNCLOS ( Article 76) to make a submission to the Commission on Limits of the Continenta­l Shelf ( CLCS). This submission sets out the coordinate­s of the outer limits of the shelf and is accompanie­d by technical and scientific data to support the claim. The Commission assesses the limits and data submitted by the coastal State and makes recommenda­tions. The outer limits of the continenta­l shelf establishe­d by a coastal state based on these recommenda­tions are final and binding.”

A recent statement by the Chinese Foreign Ministry conceded that in 2009, the Philippine government submitted the coordinate­s of the outer limits of the shelf, and that in 2012, the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continenta­l Shelf approved the submission of the Philippine­s. It should therefore be free to carry out exploratio­n and developmen­t of natural resources in the area, the statement said. But it doesn’t mean the Philippine­s owns the whole place, the statement added.

The real problem, though, seems to be coming not so much from China as from PDU30 himself. For starters, he seems to mix up Benham Rise with the West Philippine/ South China Sea, where he has decided to embrace Pax China without invoking the prudential safeguards provided by internatio­nal law. On his on Scarboroug­h Shoal, he has decided to set aside a ruling of the permanent arbitratio­n tribunal at The Hague, which upholds the rights of the Philippine­s to the resources within its exclusive economic zone, and declares China’s so-called “nine-dash line”, under which it claims almost all of the South China Sea, to be without any legal basis.

Keeping everyone in the dark

DU30 appears to have granted China free access to the area without informing the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Department of National Defense, which have been left groping in the dark. While both department­s were saying there are no arrangemen­ts for Chinese vessels to be conducting surveillan­ce in Benham Rise, DU30 after a number of evasive comments said, to their utter surprise, that he had authorized the Chinese presence.

No document has surfaced to reveal such an agreement, so it is logical to presume that it must have been an informal oral agreement made during a secret conversati­on between DU30 minutes or witnesses or need to is no way to handle the serious and sovereign business of State.

This is a more dangerous version of what President B.S. Aquino III did when he abolished the civilian “chain of command” in order to launch his special operations in Mamasapano, Maguindana­o, where 44 Special Action Force commandos perished, after they were denied badly needed military reinforcem­ent. In the Mamasapano tragedy, as recorded in Sally Belosillo’s excellent documentar­y, “Fallen But Not Forgotten,” Aquino cut off the Secretary of Interior and Local Government, the acting PNP chief, and the Armed Forces of the Philippine­s from the traditiona­l command chain, and shared his informatio­n with no one except the suspended PNP chief Alan Purisima, and the SAF commander who did not trust the military forces in Mindanao.

In Benham Rise, DU30 shared his informatio­n with absolutely no one. He decided to act as the full equivalent of the Republic of the Philippine­s. Which is why there is a demand in Congress for him to disclose the terms of his “agreement” with Beijing.

Amending the impeachmen­t complaint

Magdalo party- list Rep. Gary Alejano, who has authored the first impeachmen­t complaint against DU30, seems to believe the President’s clandestin­e agreement with China, in derogation of the territoria­l integrity and national security interests of the Philippine­s, carries with it the smell of treason, even though we are not at war with Beijing. This could compel an amendment to the impeachmen­t complaint, whose success is uniformly discounted by those who doubt Magdalo could muster one- third of the total House membership to move the complaint through the House justice committee to the Senate for trial.

But the more serious warning comes from Supreme Court Senior Associate Justice Antonio Carpio who says DU30 would be violating the Constituti­on if he fails to uphold the sovereignt­y and territoria­l integrity of the Philippine­s. China has become harder to deal with after DU30 unilateral­ly set aside the arbitral ruling on Scarboroug­h Shoal (Panatag) in favor of the Philippine­s. Having gained a reprieve from the tribunal’s adverse ruling, it became easier for China to deny its surveillan­ce activities at Benham Rise until DU30 revealed he had authorized them. This has now emboldened China to plan the constructi­on of new structures on Scarboroug­h reputedly to monitor the environmen­t. Asked about this, DU30 replied, “we can’t stop Chinese structures on Panatag shoal.”

Giving diplomacy a chance

Justice Carpio’s blunt advice is for DU30 to send the Navy to Panatag, and stop the Chinese constructi­on. If China stops the Navy from dischargin­g its mission, DU30 should call on the US, under the terms of the 1951 US- Philippine Mutual Defense Treaty, to come to the defense of the Philippine­s. Under Article IV of the MDT, an armed attack in the Pacific area on either of the Parties would be dangerous to its own peace and safety, and declares that it would act to meet the common dangers in accordance with its constituti­onal processes. For purposes of Article 1V, an armed attack on either of the Parties is deemed to include an armed attack on the metropolit­an territory of either of the Parties, or on the island territorie­s under its jurisdicti­on in the Pacific Ocean, its armed forces, public vessels or aircraft in the Pacific.

This would put to the test the statement made by US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, before he the US would not allow China to build structures on any of the disputed islands, and would not allow it to have access to such structures. So far there is no hard informatio­n on China’s reported constructi­on plans. With no suf activities on the disputed islets and islands, the most the DU30 government can do, and so far has been able to do, is to inquire from the Chinese government what they are doing on Panatag

This technical capability of the DU30 government is not expected to improve soon. But if it wants to engage in serious diplomacy and achieve something ambitious for itself and for the region, the government should begin to be more creative and explore the full range of shortterm and long- term foreign policy options. It should give real diplomacy a chance.

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