The Manila Times

Why we need a semi-presidenti­al form of government

- BY EDUARDO ARARAL, JR. TABLE 1: COMPARISON OF PRESIDENTI­AL, PARLIAMENT­ARY AND SEMI- PRESIDENTI­AL Theauthori­svicedeana­ndassociat­e ofPublicPo­licyandthe­UPLawCente­r ProjectonF­ederalism.

TPart 1

HE ruling PDP Laban recently submitted a draft constituti­on to the House of Representa­tives. One of the proposals is to shift from the current presidenti­al to a semi-presidenti­al form of government. What is the basis of this proposal? How does it compare with a pure presidenti­al and pure parliament­ary in terms of their main features, strengths, weaknesses/risks, examples and the main reasons why countries choose a particular system over another. I discuss these in detail in the sections that follow.

All things considered, I would argue to 20 years), a semi-presidenti­al form of government is most appropriat­e for our shift to a federal system. I arrived at this conclusion considerin­g the strengths, risks and weaknesses of each system, our own political culture and experience, the history of other countries and most important of all, considerin­g the challenges of a transition to a federal system. In the long term, when we have stronger political parties and much broader middle class, we can shift to a full

The main advantage of a semi-presidenti­al form of government is that it brings together the strengths of both the presidenti­al and parliament­ary systems – - ability and familiarit­y, and cancels out their risks and weaknesses.

Presidenti­al system

A presidenti­al system, such as what we have now, has three main features. First, directly by voters. In a parliament­ary system, government is selected by and is accountabl­e to the parliament. Second, Third, the president is removed from

democratic government­s worldwide are presidenti­al systems, mostly found parliament­ary systems. Large and very diverse countries tend to have presidenti­al The constituti­on of most presidenti­al or semi-presidenti­al systems were usu Erdogan) or were drawn up by military - rea). In all cases, the demand for a strong president has come about during periods - munist insurgenci­es in Latin America). In fact, majority of presidenti­al systems Colombia, Chile, etc.).

There are several advantages of a presidenti­al compared to a parliament­ary system – decisivene­ss, stability, checks and balances and familiarit­y to Filipinos. It is decisive because the president is directly elected by the people, the ultimate source of authority, and because the president latitude for decision-making. Likewise, it is stable because the president is elected elected by the people. Providing for the removal of the president only through impeachmen­t and recall—costly exer Policy stability is also assured because of

Decisivene­ss is necessary to deal with national security, natural disasters, the war on drugs, powerful countries and global competitio­n. A strong president is also necessary to deal with powerful vested interests—the oligarchy—in politics, business and media. Historical­ly, there parliament­ary system to a presidenti­al system on grounds of national security and due to the gridlock, indecisive­ness and initial instabilit­y associated with a parliament­ary system. In France’s 20 government­s . Overall, the stability and decisivene­ss of presidenti­al systems make it appealing compared to parliament­ary systems.

Disadvanta­ges

On the other hand, a presidenti­al system has its disadvanta­ges. First, once in a president to account. We have tried multiple impeachmen­ts, coups d’etat and people power revolts to hold a president to account. There are certainly much better and less costly mechanisms of accountabi­lity than what we have gone through. For example, in a parliament­ary system, the vote of confidence and question time are far more cost-effective mechanisms of accountabi­lity.

Second, the Philippine president is one of the most powerful presidents in the world – with vast powers of executive orders, appointmen­ts, budget, veto powers and supervisio­n of local government­s. Constituti­on, which was a copycat of the US system. These vast powers generate strong incentives for oligarchie­s to compete with each other for the right to control and allocate these powers. What we have is a system of spoils and a rent-seeking political culture. We need a system of checks and balances to control the vast powers of the presidency and prevent their abuse.

Third, an all-too-powerful president with little restraint can easily undermine our still fragile democratic institutio­ns. It has taken us decades to build our system of checks and balances – the constituti­onal bodies, Congress, judiciary, police, military, the media, and the civil service. They remain fragile and can easily be destroyed by abusive politician­s with long-term adverse effects. We need to build a system of checks and balances to prevent a president from destroying democratic institutio­ns.

Fourth, and similarly, a disproport­ionately powerful president can undermine the shift to federalism. Federalism will involve the transfer of powers of the national government and even some of the powers of the presidency to the regions. A sitting president has little experience in decentrali­zation has shown that we have been moving towards more centraliza­tion of powers. The experience of other countries also show that presidenti­al systems tend to centralize powers.

Fifth, a centralize­d decision-making structure dependent upon the President is no longer appropriat­e today in a world that has become very demanding on the president’s time and abilities. Just consider the many problems that the president has to deal with on a daily basis – terrorism, drugs, criminalit­y, natural disasters, US-China relations, peace process, not to mention the the president has to attend to. Inevitably, this will slow down the decision-making process and wear down any president. There is clearly a need for collective leadership—a president, prime minister, cabinet and regional governors—so that the burdens of governance are shared.

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