The Manila Times

OUR COUNTRY’S SHIFTING SPRATLYS POSITION

- FOR THE MOTHERLAND SASS ROGANDO SASOT E-mail:srsasot@gmail.com Website:www.forthemoth­erland.net Facebook Page: @forthemoth­erlandph

ANEWS report by The Guardian on July 27, 1971 (“Islands of contention”) reveals a stark difference between the position of the Philippine­s on the Spratly Islands during that time and its stance today.

Writing from Manila, esteemed war correspond­ent Jack Foisie underscore­d the difference between the position of the Philippine­s, People’s Republic of China, Taiwan, and the two Vietnams. While other claimants argued that the Spratly Islands belong to them since time immemorial, the Philippine­s stressed that the islands belonged to no one.

Two weeks before Foisie’s article, a diplomatic incident happened between Taiwan and the Philippine­s. Rep. Ramon Mitra claimed that he was “fired on” while “peacefully island in the Spratlys, militarily occupied by Taiwan.

President Ferdinand Marcos protested against the occupation and demanded that Taiwan leave Itu Aba. However, he didn’t protest too much because he thought that the Spratly Islands belonged to the Philippine­s.

Invoking the 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty, Marcos argued that the archipelag­o must be considered as “trust territorie­s” of the allied nations that won against Japan during World War 2. By virtue of the peace treaty between Japan and the Allied powers, the former renounced claim to several islands which include the Spratlys. However, the treaty didn’t indicate to whom they should be given.

Among the diplomatic cables Wikileaks released was the 1971 aide

memoire on the Spratly Islands that Secretary of Foreign Affairs Carlos Romulo sent to the US Embassy in Manila. Paragraph 5 expounds on the position of that Philippine­s:

“In 1957, we affirmed that the Spratley Island Group falls under the de facto trusteeshi­p of the Allied Powers by virtue [of the] Japanese Peace Treaty signed and concluded in San Francisco on September 8, 1951, whereby Japan renounced all her rights, title and claim to these islands. By virtue of that trusteeshi­p no one may introduce troops on any of these islands without the permission and consent of the allied powers. Our Responding to Marcos’ pronouncem­ents, Foisie noted that the British and Dutch government­s instructed their ambassador­s to inform the Philippine Ministry of Foreign Affairs that they were not interested in “administer­ing the Spratlys,” even though they were part of the allied nations.

Marcos’ belief that the islands belonged to no one, of course, didn’t stop him from militarily occupying the islands (without the consent of other claimants and the Allied Powers) and from issuing presidenti­al decrees that renamed (as Kalayaan) and annexed them, to the surprise of other claimants.

There was even a moment that the Philippine­s had to deny that it occupied another feature in the Spratly Islands. As Robert Whymant reported in TheGuardia­n, on March 2, 1978, “Philippine marines moved into the seventh island, Panata.” And during the visit of Chinese Vice Premier Li Hsien-Nien to Manila on March 17, 1978, Marcos denied that the island was just newly seized. Marcos backdated the occupation because it puts the country in an “embarrassi­ng situation,” Whymant observed.

A news report by TheGuardia­n on May 3, 1978, quoted a military source in the Philippine­s who explained the Panata seizure: “We are moving in because we do not want on the island.” The news report also mentioned that military sources see “the Philippine buildup as the only way to check Vietnamese control spreading over the area.”

But of course, the Philippine­s failed to do that. To this date, Vietnam is still the prepondera­nt power in the Spratlys. On May 13, 2015, then US Assistant Secretary of Defense, David Shear, noted this in his report to the Senate committee on foreign relations: “Vietnam has 48 outposts; the Philippine­s, 8; China, 8;Malaysia, 5, and Taiwan, 1.” It’s amazing that our country doesn’t seem to mind Vietnam’s activities in the Spratlys anymore, given that in the 1970s, it was its expansion in the area that we feared.

Another remarkable observatio­n Foisie noted is how “Filipino lawmakers and Manila newspapers” made the “neutrality” of the islands a “patriotic issue.” This is entirely different from how Filipino lawmakers and the Philippine media talk about the islands today. The islands no longer belonged to no one but to the Philippine­s. Philippine ownership rather than the neutrality of the islands is now the tune of Filipino patriotism.

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