The Manila Times

Hard choices for US, NKorea at high-stakes summit

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WASHINGTON , D.C.: After a burst of hectic diplomacy, Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un’s nuclear summit is on course to go ahead -- but if it is to live up to the hype, both sides will need to make

- through in the fraught process, North Korea and the United States may sign a peace deal that could pave the way for a cautious thaw in ties.

“Can you believe that we’re talking about the ending of the Korean War?” Trump asked rhetorical­ly, marveling at his own diplomatic audacity.

The two countries have been technicall­y at war for decades, even

armistice 65 years ago.

But what Washington is really seeking is the North’s nuclear disarmamen­t.

insisted on becoming a respected nuclear state and -- while it may have suspended nuclear and missile tests -surrenderi­ng its bombs is off the table.

So how can the circle be squared? How can the two parties arrive at what Washington says

and irreversib­le” denucleari­zation of the Korean peninsula? Many are skeptical.

“We’ll know right away if it’s a failure,” Center for Strategic and Internatio­nal Studies analyst Boris Toucas

“For example, if Kim won’t give written guarantees on denucleari­zation or if there’s just a declaratio­n of good intent without a roadmap.”

The summit would be a challenge for the most seasoned diplomats and just last year neophyte statesman Trump was mocking Kim as “Little Rocket Man,” while the young autocrat sneered at the “mentally deranged dotard.”

Man in a hurry

The stakes have been raised still further by the accelerate­d timeframe. Trump may have conceded there will

term ends in 2021.

North Korean leaders have been seeking face-to-face talks with a sitting US president for a quarter of a century, but Trump only agreed to meet Kim in March and now seems to be in a hurry.

So much of a hurry, in fact, that many in Washington worry he will naively make concession­s without securing the North Korean arsenal.

But the cynics were also cheered that Trump now publicly accepts that the meeting is probably only the start of the process, and some

- ress can be made.

Ambassador Joseph Yun was the US special representa­tive for North Korea until days before Trump accepted the summit invitation, and is a veteran of backchanne­l talks.

He said that if the summit is to count as a success, both sides will have to make rapid concession­s to build trust before a longer process leading to eventual disarmamen­t and normalizat­ion can begin.

“The basic propositio­n that the United States is trying to tell North Korea is: ‘You are safer without nuclear weapons than with nuclear weapons,’” said Yun, now an advi-

North Korean leaders have long assumed the opposite: Only with weapons can they secure the Kim dynasty’s survival and become a respected nuclear power like India, at the diplomatic top table.

But certain security guarantees may convince Kim to follow the diplomatic path after the summit.

“One, I believe in this particular instance would require what I call an ‘end of war declaratio­n,’ that the Korean War, which technicall­y ended with an armistice in 1953, is over,” Yun said.

“Then you would require to have that, in effect, a peace treaty negotiatio­n. And then, of course, along with that you need diplomatic normalizat­ion. So you can see it’s a long drawn out process.”

If the United States agrees to begin—as Trump appeared to suggest it might—peace talks to end the war and to open a diplomatic

might see the talks as useful.

Frank Aum, a former top advisor on North Korea to US defense secretarie­s

Kim will have military demands.

- tion” means not just surrenderi­ng its own bombs, but banning US strategic assets like F-22 stealth

battle groups from its region.

But what must Kim give up in return?

“North Korea is probably ready to say that at the end of the day that they are ready to completely denucleari­ze,

print,” Yun said.

Trump, who prides himself as a dealmaker, will have to negotiate

- tional economic and diplomatic sanctions start to fray.

Kim, Yun said, should immediatel­y put into writing what he has already agreed to do: halt his provocativ­e tests of long- range missiles and nuclear devices.

He should also allow internatio­nal inspection­s of his declared nuclear sites such as Yongbyon and—crucially—reveal his other, secret sites to make clear the scale of the disarmamen­t task.

Eventual disarmamen­t

Only then could US negotiator­s begin to judge whether the North Korean leader is serious about his eventual disarmamen­t -- and US intelligen­ce reportedly does not believe he ever will be.

For Yun, Kim’s seriousnes­s and the relative success of Singapore

there are deliverabl­es that are concrete and quick, and that is clearly what our side will be looking for.”

Experts worry that North Korean foot-dragging, encouraged by a China and Russia that have warned against precipitat­ing the process, could prove intolerabl­e to the Trump administra­tion.

“Clearly, North Korea is looking at a phased process. China and Russia also agree,” Aum told reporters.

“The US, on the other hand, wants to have an accelerate­d process that provides many of the denucleari­zation processes up front and then South Korea is in the middle.”

Siegfried Hecker of Stanford University, who once ran the US atomic lab in Los Alamos, has said that from

- able disarmamen­t could take 15 years.

Yun and Aum said interim concession­s from both sides could get the process started within a year, but if it collapses, Kim may be happy to cut his losses and enjoy a technical win.

“The summit itself is already an enormous concession from Trump. It gives Kim enormous legitimacy on the internatio­nal and domestic plane, even if in the end it fails,”

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