PH should keep its friends and raise its voice in Asean to defend its permanent interests AMBASSADORS’ CORNER

ON the eve of the 45th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Philippines and China, I reminisce about my tour of duty in Beijing from 1976 to 1979 and my experience in the 1980s, and reflect on the many changes that have occurred in the relations of the Philippines with China and other states.

No permanent friends, no permanent enemies

The relations between states are dynamic; sometimes determined by the personality and ambitions of their leaders. Thus, Lord Palmerston, the noted British prime minister, and other statesmen have observed that between states, there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies; only permanent interests. This is true of both the Philippines and China. The Philippines,

however, should keep its friends, especially at a time when its sovereignty and territorial integrity are under threat.

The Philippines has the Mutual Defense Treaty, the Visiting Forces Agreement and the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement with the United States, but the US was once the enemy. The Commonwealth of the Philippines fought against Japan during World War 2 because the Philippines was on the brink of becoming independent. The Philippines now has strategic relations with Japan for economic and security reasons.

China fought the US and the Philippines in the Korean War because the US and allied troops, bearing the flag of the United Nations, crossed the 38th Parallel after driving back the North Korean invaders. This was the era of the Cold War when China and the Soviet Union were on the same side.

The Sino- Soviet split on ideology after the demise of Josef Stalin and his succession by Nikita Kruschev marked the Soviet Union as China’s main antagonist. This allowed the surprise Nixon visit to Peking in 1972 and initially the exchange of Liaison Offices. The normalization of relations between China and the US followed on Jan. 1, 1979.

1976 as Year of Great Changes in China

I was cross- posted from Kuala Lumpur to Beijing in 1976, when great changes took place in China. It was the year of the demise of the triumvirate; Zhou Enlai ( head of government) in January, Zhu Deh ( head of state) in May and Mao Zedong ( head of party) in September. Earlier in April, the Gang of Four headed by Mao’s wife, Jiang Qing, had succeeded in deposing Deng Xiaoping a second time.

The great earthquake in Tangshan took place in July, an omen of the fall of a dynasty, according to Chinese belief. With Mao’s demise two months later, the Gang of Four lost in the ‘ struggle session’ which ensued, leading to the ascendancy of Deng Xiaoping, the author of China’s modernization.

The big question was whether Premier Hua Guafeng could retain power as Mao’s chosen successor. I reported that Deng would return because he was with the Long March and his comrades were around. His economic views were pragmatic reflected in his comment: ‘ It does not matter whether the cat is black or white as long as it catches mice.” Hua’s experience was limited to the rural