Missed chances
BAGONG Pilipinas is probably a reiteration of Bagong Lipunan. Probably because it was formulated even before the culture of excellence was made, unlike Bagong Lipunan, which was launched in 1975, a few years after the declaration of martial law. Bagong Pilipinas, on the other hand, was putting a ribbon on a raw deal. Inaugurated on July 2, 2023, per Memorandum Circular 24, the Bagong Pilipinas campaign “calls for deep and fundamental transformations in all sectors of society and government and fosters the state’s commitment toward the attainment of comprehensive policy reforms and full economic recovery.”
Bagong Pilipinas is said to be “characterized by a principled, accountable and dependable government reinforced by unified institutions of society, whose common objective is to realize the goals and aspirations of every Filipino.” A kick-off ceremony was made last Jan. 28, 2024; we were to learn later that the first cousinled House of Representatives was on a full-swing offensive around the same time on a people’s initiative, using ayuda as a magnet for signatures and “pork” as a push for legislators to move.
After requiring all government agencies to attend the Quirino kick-off, with social services lined up and again, distribution of the ayuda programs of the administration, complete with a splendid fireworks show, came a Feb. 2. 2024 memo from the Presidential Management Staff senior undersecretary, Elaine Masukat, on the submission of updated documentary requirements by presidential appointees. Mind you, it didn’t come from the executive secretary, which has always been the protocol. So, from mandatory attendance and posting on personal social media pages of people in government comes a 30-day notice, which serves as a witch hunt for appointees that were made by previous presidents. That would have been easy since the PMD holds the blue book of appointees requiring presidential approval. Alas, they may probably not know that.
So, Bagong Pilipinas is a series of missed chances on transformations. Bagong Pilipinas is all about ayuda, a co-opted and ill-advised second-year General Appropriations Act of this administration and the so-called politicians’ initiative. Opening up the economy? It’s a diversion. Charter change is another diversion. Ayuda programs are another. Every step of the way of Bagong Pilipinas is diversion coupled with deception. Imagine the discovery made by the President’s sister about the flagship programs. The numerous insertions made and allowed! The surprising winners of PCSO, which placed probabilities under suspicion and the party-party mentality of Bagong Pilipinas. What a sham, right?
The focus is already gone from Ambisyon 2040, an economic blueprint that has been carried from the administrations of President Aquino 3rd to President Rodrigo Duterte and President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. But there was one idea that got derailed from Presiden tGloria Macapagal Arroyo to President Benigno Aquino 3rd, and that was the concept of “super regions” which was laid out in the 6th SONA of President Arroyo and was also defined under Executive Order 561.
These super regions were carefully delineated into metes and bounds as well as specializations to complement the nation’s competitive advantage clearly. These were:
a) Northern Luzon Agribusiness Quadrangle, to be composed of Regions 1, 2, the Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR), and the northern part of the provinces of Aurora (north of Baler), Tarlac (north of Tarlac City), Nueva Ecija (north of Cabanatuan City) and Zambales (north of Subic);
b) Luzon Urban Beltway, to be composed of the National Capital Region (NCR), Region 4A, the provinces of Bulacan, Bataan, Pampanga, Mindoro, Marinduque, and the southern parts of the provinces of Tarlac, Zambales, Aurora and Nueva Ecija;
c) Central Philippines, to be composed of Regions 5, 6, 7 and 8, and the provinces of Romblon, Palawan, and Camiguin, and the Island of Siargao;
d) Agribusiness Mindanao, to be composed of Regions 9, 10 (except Camigiun), 11, 12, Caraga except for Siargao, and the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao; and
e) Cyber Corridor, which traverses the above “super” regions from Baguio to Cebu to Davao.
The “super regions” were to have the following primary, though not exclusive, development themes: Northern Luzon Agribusiness Quadrangle as agribusiness; Luzon Urban Beltway as a globally competitive industrial and service center; Central Philippines as tourism; Agribusiness Mindanao as agribusiness; and Cyber Corridor region that would serve as information and communication technology and knowledge economy.
Each “super region” was to have a designated development champion whose mandate was to serve as a catalyst for development and prime advocate of the strategic development theme in his area; ensure the implementation of the priority programs and projects identified in the 2006 State of the Nation Address and the undated MTPIP, in close collaboration with the local government units concerned, national agencies and other partners in development, and undertake the necessary interventions to help ensure that these are completed on time and at a lowest cost to government; work out operational policies and remedial actions to ensure that the priority programs and projects are completed on schedule and the lowest cost to government; and submit a monthly report to the Presidential Management Staff on the overall accomplishment of project implementation, issues and problems identified, and recommend solutions pursuant to item c above.
Clearly, Mindanao as a super region is nothing new. Mindanao wanting to be free of imperialist Manila dates back to the Muslim secessionist days in the 1960s. Today, the issues remain: less funds for Mindanao. On poverty alleviation, most of the poor provinces are in Mindanao. It serves right to increase funding in the island; we solve Mindanao’s poverty, and it redounds back to the nation. Onethird of the country’s total land area is in Mindanao; its population is 25.5 million. Mindanao contributes 40 percent to the national food requirements, 30 percent to national food trade and 14.5 percent to the country’s GDP but only gets 12-16 percent of the national budget. So, when you introduce context and perspective to a statement, “What is at stake now is our future, so we’ll just separate,” was that sedition? Secession? Or an expression of what in reality is happening?
How to reboot and regain the foothold of Bagong Pilipinas is entirely on the shoulders of the President if he decides to be one. Reboot means ordering the Department of Budget and Management to clean up the mess of leakages and controlled budget by the current House speaker in terms of releases, ensuring the supply of rice and other produce reaches NCR so that once and for all, government deals with prices (get the smuggled rice dumped in the market and the P70/kilogram, will go down to P20/kg).
Regain means ensuring the bureaucracy that there is no witch hunt, and it can work with the best and the brightest regardless of political patrons; be true to the mandate not only of the 31 million Filipinos but of the 110 million who are affected by every decision or non-decision made by the leader and his Cabinet. Bagong Pilipinas will bear fruit when every peso provided by taxpayers does not redound to the benefit of those elected.
Trust is key, and Mr. President, the vice president is not your enemy, nor is your sister. You are the president and not the speaker. When strong individuals take you as a side act, we are divided, and then we miss the boat.