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Revolution­ary gov’t

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PRESIDENT Rodrigo Duterte has talked about establishi­ng a revolution­ary government a number of times. One of these was last August during the mass oath-taking ceremony in Malacañang for his new appointees. His statement on that topic at that time, I would say, gave us a glimpse of the president’s mindset.

“For me, my advice to a president who wants to change (is) do not go for martial law. They will just make an issue of it. Go for a revolution­ary government so that everything will be finished,” he said.

Here, the president was clearly differenti­ating revolution­ary government from a martial law government, preferring the former to avoid the hurdles (“they will just make an issue of it”) and because it could better effect thoroughgo­ing “change” (“everything will be finished”).

But the president proceeded to cite the revolution­ary government that then president Corazon Aquino establishe­d after the successful 1986 Edsa People Power uprising. “If Cory can do it, why can’t you also do it? Why? Is there a monopoly here for our love of country?” the president had said.

The president here was talking about the kind of the power that Cory wielded at that time, not of the circumstan­ces that led Cory to establish a revolution­ary government. It was an extraordin­ary situation considerin­g that Cory was pushed to the presidency on the strength of a successful uprising and had to rebuild the country’s political institutio­ns from the ruins of the Marcos dictatorsh­ip.

Besides, Cory was an outsider before she assumed power as head of a revolution­ary government. The president—or dictator—before her was Ferdinand Marcos. When the uprising successful­ly ousted Marcos that was when Cory came in.

The setup now is vastly different from the one when Cory became president. Duterte became president through an election, not via a revolution. Being a president, he is an insider. To establish a revolution­ary government, he has to oust his own administra­tion, then seize power back himself—an absurdity.

But back to his point in that August speech. He was merely talking about seizure of absolute power—not just presidenti­al power. In this sense, the best model would be Marcos himself. True, Marcos didn’t declare a revolution­ary government—he probably knew it was absurd—but declared military rule with the end in view of seizing dictatoria­l power. It was a coup against his own government.

And Marcos was indeed successful in effecting tchange. Didn’t he call it “Revolution from the Center.” Only that that change didn’t “make the Philippine­s great again” but brought us to perdition.

Marcos can therefore be a model of a president seizing absolute power for himself. But he was an intellectu­al giant, ruthless and a smooth operator. He knew, for example, from where political power grows: “from the barrel of the gun” as Mao Zedong would put it. It was only in 1986 when his hold on the military broke.

Which brings me to my point. Anybody who wants to seize power, whether via martial law or revolution­ary government, needs a military that does not adhere to the constituti­on but is fanaticall­y loyal to the one that wants to seize absolute power. Do we have such a military now

Read more: http://www.sunstar. com.ph/cebu/opinion/2017/10/17/ wenceslao-revolution­ary-govt-569959

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