The Freeman

Commission on Human Rights (RIP?)

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In a constituti­onal law class, constituti­on is taught as a supreme law to which all other laws must conform and in accordance with which all private rights must be determined and all public authority administer­ed. This concept, also termed constituti­onal supremacy, engenders, among law students, profound thinking. On the other hand, the comparativ­ely lighter lectures about the constituti­on given to high school students may be differentl­y worded but just the same they provide the knowledge that the constituti­on is the fundamenta­l law of the land.

Before the effectivit­y of the 1987 constituti­on, there was an office called Presidenti­al Committee on Human Rights. That office was establishe­d thru a statutory enactment in recognitio­n of universall­y accepted traits and attributes of an individual along with what is generally considered to be his inherent and inalienabl­e rights.

The 1986 Constituti­onal Commission saw the need to write into our charter the creation of an independen­t office called the Commission of Human Rights. It is composed of a chairman and four members and vested with specific powers and functions principall­y investigat­ory. The main mandate is to protect civil and political rights.

This office is not on the same level as such constituti­onal bodies as the Civil Service Commission, Commission on Elections and the Commission on Audit. It is possessed though with fiscal autonomy with such unmistakab­le constituti­onal provision that reads "(t)he approved annual appropriat­ions of the Commission shall be automatica­lly and regularly released." Certainly because it is a constituti­onal creation it cannot altogether be dispensed with by Congress. Those are the words of Fr. Joaquin Bernas, eminent constituti­onalist and one of the members of the Constituti­onal Commission.

Dispense with it is just what the House of Representa­tives seems to be doing and probably worse. A majority of our congressme­n, in utter disrespect of the constituti­onal mantle wrapped around the existence of the Human Rights Commission arrogantly propositio­ned to allocate only one thousand pesos for it. If true, this outlay cannot pay a day's wage of two janitors. Defacing the commission from the fundamenta­l law is the inevitable consequenc­e when the budget, as it is prepared by the lower house gets passed.

The legislativ­e department has the power over the purse. By that constituti­onal paradigm, legislator­s review the budgetary proposal submitted by the president. Maybe, the congressme­n who thumbs-upped the one thousand peso allocation for the human rights commission thought that their authority is absolute. That is an error, among others, that will be assigned when this matter reaches the Supreme Court, if ever.

But giving only one thousand pesos operates to kill (a more appropriat­e word than abolish) the commission. Can this be done in view of the constituti­onal birthright of the office? I doubt! To me, though, this is plain abuse of power. Let a hail of hellish sanction rain upon them who do not respect the fundamenta­l law. The people should punish Congress for even just attempting to disregard a constituti­onal proviso. We must take note of them so that when the election comes, we know what to do with them.

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