The Freeman

Shall I believe the President?

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I must have left hanging those who read my column last Sunday. Both time and space ran out. I hope they can find a space in their heart to forgive me for introducin­g a controvers­ial item, in the latter part of my Sunday article, which I failed to clarify. Let me attempt to round up that issue in this column today.

President Rodrigo Duterte, one day, said that the moment we have a new Constituti­on ensuring a government free of corruption, he will resign from the presidency. Let us divide that declaratio­n into recognizab­le parts: 1) new constituti­on; 2) corruption-free; and 3) resignatio­n.

1. There are three ways our Constituti­on may be amended. First, Congress, acting as a constituen­t assembly, by a qualified majority, may propose amendments to our charter. Second, a constituti­onal convention may do it. Third, the peoples' initiative, a special mechanism believed to have been borne out of the EDSA revolution.

Since the start of Duterte administra­tion, he has been conditioni­ng the minds of his supporters to believe that federalism is best for our country. He somehow succeeded. After all that is the characteri­zation of fanaticism. But, if only to have a change of government, our 1987 Constituti­on cannot just be amended. Technicall­y speaking, it has to be revised and it can only be done by a con-ass or a con-con.

Amid the choreograp­hed assault on the Supreme Court Chief Justice Ma. Lourdes Sereno by the House of Representa­tives-that I watched as a telenovela-I read that the Senate was readying the draft of a new Constituti­on. I wanted to believe that these separate moves were uncoordina­ted but I have to describe the timing as master stroke! My grandson, Christian Anthony, has a term for such-AWESOME-but which can also be applied for the seeming coordinati­on among the heads of the executive department and the two houses of Congress. So with the perceived barrier in the highest magistrate being removed, the march towards a new Constituti­on has no obstacle.

2. I have read three of our Constituti­ons. When I was a freshmen law student, I studied the 1935 Constituti­on. Martial law overtook my study and I took the bar, with the subject Political Law, focused on the 1973 charter. Presently, I teach constituti­onal law based on the one drafted by the 1986 Constituti­onal Commission, which we ratified on February 2, 1987.

There was nothing imbedded in the 1935 and 1973 Constituti­ons that promoted corruption. The distinguis­hed men and women who crafted our present Constituti­on made sure that corruption, in any form, cannot find support in any of its provisions. I can say that all our charters, past and present, are written and freed of corrupt ways.

I detest the insinuatio­n aired by Duterte when he said that the new Constituti­on he visualizes is free from corruption. In effect, he connotes that the 1935, the 1973 and the 1987 charters were written by corrupt minds for corrupt ends, thus desecratin­g the haloed memory of those patriots.

3. Duterte, when still a candidate for president, got interviewe­d in a television sit com. He admitted some kind of responsibi­lity for the deaths of about 1,600 persons. Later, he denied it. And I believed him. Then, Duterte accused Sen. Trillanes of maintainin­g a dollar account offshore with specifics on the name of the bank, account number and remaining balance. Yes, I believed the president's revelation. But, when Trillanes secured a clearance negating the president's charges, Duterte admitted that he lied. I also believed him.

Now, Duterte says he will resign if there is a new Constituti­on that ensures the state free of corruption. While this might be another falsehood, I am inclined to believe him. But why will he do that?

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