The Philippine Star

CROSSROADS (Toward Philippine Economic and Social Progress)

Northeaste­rn Mindanao’s timber plantation­s

- By Gerardo P. Sicat

Today, those who drive the highways of northeaste­rn Mindanao (Caraga Region) will occasional­ly encounter trucks loaded with uniformly cut lumber of diameter size no more than a foot.

Small trucks carry these logs from Mindanao’s existing tree plantation­s. They crisscross the (del Sur and del Norte) provinces of Agusan and Surigao to the Davao provinces (Compostela Valley, Davao Oriental) and the roads linking the cities (Surigao, Cagayan de Oro, Butuan and Davao).

Logging landscape five decades ago. The logging scene many decades ago was far different. Rapid exploitati­on of the nation’s primary forests took place during the early years of political independen­ce.

Huge logs of long cut with massive diameters were hauled by super trucks. The region’s rivers transporte­d part of the haul and the mouths of rivers became log ponds from the nation’s forests.

In 1940 on the eve of World War II, the Philippine­s had more than 20 million of its total land area of 30 million hectares, classified as forest lands. By 1975, total forest land had shrunk to 10 million hectares.

Our primary forests retreat and decline. Although the primary forest land had been exploited for its rare hardwood trees during American colonial times, this was done through selective logging and was not massive in quantity.

The products from these logs were used in local constructi­on. A market for exports thrived in the US under the trade name “Philippine mahogany”. Classified scientific­ally as “dipterocar­ps”, these hardwoods known locally as apitong, yakal, lauan, tanguile, dao produced hardwood lumber of exceptiona­lly good quality and commanded a high price in the commercial market.

Within a few decades after independen­ce in 1946, these forests were heavily exploited through the grant of timber license concession­s. Long before the term crony capitalism became popular, loggers were the favored inner circle of presidenti­al political power.

Early Philippine presidents awarded their political supporters and allies with prime logging concession­s to the nation’s wealth through the exercise of political patronage.

With their timber license agreements, the loggers could easily secure heavy equipment financing. High valued logs meant a quick way toward wealth and income. The logs were exported to Japan that was, at the time, resurgent and rising hurriedly back into industrial health.

Despite the requiremen­ts imposed by the timber license agreements on replanting and selective logging, the practice was far more patently different. Loggers had little interest in long term commitment­s as the short-term provided them immediate income, wealth and stature in the community.

Many of the loggers became the new community leaders – mayors, governors, business leaders, and leading politician­s and members of Congress.

Economic consequenc­es of rapid deforestat­ion. It was far easier to harvest the woods and induce clean-cutting to open more lands for the country’s agricultur­al expansion than to religiousl­y follow the requiremen­ts for replanting. For a time, the rapid developmen­t of agricultur­e in Mindanao was loosely linked to logging as an industry.

(The practice did not vary much in the many islands and provinces of the country where forests abounded before and population growth was pressing for more agricultur­al lands.)

In the low lands, logging opened vast new agricultur­al lands and expanded the coverage of new agricultur­al industries. In the uplands, the weakened forest areas became susceptibl­e to kaingin agricultur­e in which the settlers burned the forests essentiall­y to support their subsistenc­e farming until they moved on to new kaingin areas.

The opening up of once dense forest lands into a larger agricultur­al base was helped along by rapid forest exploitati­on.

By the early years of independen­ce, logs and lumber became a major export and was in the frontline of the country’s export earning industries like sugar, coconut oil and other primary exports.

During the heyday of import substituti­on, industrial­ization and highly regulated exchange controls, the under-reporting of log earnings was highly suspect. Log exporters could their park dollar earnings abroad and bring them back in the form of imports that were controlled through the backdoor.

During this period, the country’s forest lands cover retreated in area coverage, and they have not fully recovered to this day. Because of measures to ban the export of logs and other regulation­s that would be introduced as a result of the alarm brought about by the rapid exploitati­on of Philippine forests, today the country’s forests are beginning to recover.

However, the quality of this recovery is hollow and poor. Today, the country is highly susceptibl­e to environmen­tal disasters: landslides, soil erosion and floods and extended droughts. These are the legacy of the sins of the past.

Tree plantation­s: natural component of forestry conservati­on. The experience of rapid logging has given a warning to those who have been in the know. If the country is to exploit its natural primary forests for economic reasons, an important complement­ary action must be through forest maintenanc­e and regenerati­on.

In the past, large scale tree plantation­s were being experiment­ed on by the government. The first plantation­s tried to introduce fast growing varieties. Much earlier, American foresters brought in teak ( Tectona grandis) and mahogany ( Swietana macrophyll­a) from other countries.

The trial tree plantation was establishe­d in a place called Tungao over patches of abandoned kaingin areas. The new plantation schemes proved viable after five years of experiment­ation that started in 1954. By 1961, large scale plantation­s were initiated with improved results.

Several factors were at work to encourage and push for tree plantation­s. First was the government concern to reforest. Any major program of reforestat­ion could only be achieved through the private sector engaged in the industry.

Those with timber license agreements could set up tree plantation­s as part of their reforestat­ion work. This was a natural outcome of the agreements with the state. There were loggers who wanted a push in this direction as supporting their economic interests.

Private landowners could be induced to plant tree plantation­s as suppliers to larger companies with a permanent interest in logging. The latter are those operating timber license agreements.

And then there were smaller landholdin­gs and agricultur­al communitie­s that could plant trees as part of their agricultur­al activities. All these components would contribute to the growth of the tree plantation­s that would grow in force by the 1960s in the northeaste­rn Mindanao area, a notable phenomenon in that region (To be continued next week: Rise and fall of PICOP) My email is: gpsicat@gmail.com. Visit this site for more informatio­n, feedback and commentary: http://econ.upd.edu.ph/gpsicat/

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