The Philippine Star

Other countries will reject arbitratio­ns favoring Beijing

- By JARIUS BONDOC

China desires so much to become a naval power. Last August after a joint exercise with Russia in the North Pacific its warship ventured into Alaska’s 12- nautical mile territoria­l waters. US President Barack Obama happened to be visiting the state then. Still the US Navy only watched silently as the Chinese vessel eventually maneuvered off. After all it was innocent passage, to which mature navies entitle foreign counterpar­ts in freedom of navigation.

Yet China cannot bring itself to reciprocat­e. Thrice since last year single US cruisers have sailed within 12 nm by reefs that Beijing made into artificial islands in the South China ( West Philippine) Sea. Each time the Chinese Navy shrieked like a brat against perceived provocativ­e territoria­l intrusion. The Chinese foreign ministry followed up with shrill protests, and state media came out with editorial war cries.

How can the world esteem China as a true power, when it cannot act like one? Beijing ignores internatio­nal convention­s, and concocts its own rules. One cannot earn respect by comporting itself disreputab­ly.

If Beijing is inconsiste­nt in conduct of a blue- water navy, it is more so in other aspects of global relations. That is most evident in its bratty rejection of the UN arbitratio­n of its sea dispute with Manila.

Arbitratio­n is the recourse of mature parties in case of deadlocks in dispute resolution. It is the alternativ­e to confrontat­ion, in which both sides likely are to lose in varied ways.

Beijing knows that. It is no stranger to arbitratio­n. The Chinese capital is the headquarte­rs of a commercial arbitratio­n commission of companies that come into dispute with each other or with state agencies. That body was formed as far back as 1956, Communist rulers presently are even promoting Beijing as an adjudicati­on capital for internatio­nal spats. There are financial, tourism, and reputation­al gains in mimicking similar settlement centers like Washington DC, Singapore, and The Hague. China is able to rise in global economy by submitting itself to the World Trade Organizati­on. It is in fact the complainan­t or the complained party in most of the 5,500 or so trade disputes that the WTO has refereed.

A deadlock ensued between Manila and Beijing in 2012. It arose when Chinese combat ships evicted Filipinos from traditiona­l fishing grounds in Scarboroug­h Shoal 123 nm off Luzon. Manila sought mediation by the UN Permanent Court of Arbitratio­n ( PCA) in The Hague.

The PCA this month upheld modern maritime pacts against Beijing’s imagined “historic sea rights.” On three counts Manila won. Firstly, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea ( UNCLOS) grants China a 200nm exclusive economic zone from its coasts, and binds it to respect similar EEZs of neighbor- countries. False therefore is Beijing’s “nine- dash” boundary encompassi­ng 90 percent of the South China Sea and encroachin­g on others’ EEZs.

Secondly, Beijing broke the UNCLOS in occupying Scarboroug­h and seven reefs within the Philippine­s’ EEZ. Thirdly, Beijing destroyed the environmen­t by concreting the reefs into fake islands, and in letting Hainan fishers poach endangered giant clams, sea turtles, and fan corals.

Manila rightly did not gloat about its victory. Instead it amicably invited Beijing to talk. At once the Chinese foreign ministry set a condition that any talks shall not consider the arbitratio­n ruling. Manila whispered that it’s impossible, since the UN binds both sides to the ruling. Whereupon China’s deputy naval chief said if that’s the case then both sides are headed for confrontat­ion.

China’s rejection of the PCA ruling is bound to affect its economy. It has been lending state funds to other countries through the Asian Infrastruc­ture Investment Bank ( AIIB). Such infrastruc­ture lending is its best hedge against internal industrial decline and potential mass unemployme­nt. Yet the very AIIB rules rely heavily on arbitratio­n as a means of dispute settlement. Beijing thus needs to have a consistent stand regarding arbitratio­n.

Section 55 of the AIIB charter details the dispute settlement procedures. In case of deadlocks, a three-man body is to adjudicate, and its rulings shall be final, binding, and executory. The three members shall be: one to be nominated by the AIIB, one by the disputing borrower-country, and one by the UN Internatio­nal Court of Justice as chairman.

Here’s the catch. The PCA at The Hague is an adjunct establishe­d by none other than the ICJ. The ICJ stands by the PCA rulings. So how can China’s AIIB enforce its dispute resolution­s overseen by the ICJ, if at the same time it rejects an arbitratio­n court of the ICJ that happened to rule against it? What if other countries become intransige­nt like Beijing, and reject UN and WTO rulings against them in disputes with China?

Catch Sapol radio show, Saturdays, 8-10 a.m., DWIZ (882-AM).

Gotcha archives on Facebook: https:// www. facebook. com/ pages/ Jarius- Bondoc/1376602159­218459, or The STAR website http://www.philstar.com/author/ Jarius%20Bondoc/GOTCHA

If China ignores the UN ruling on Scarboroug­h, how will it enforce trade and other UN decisions in its favor?

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