The Philippine Star

Show me something to believe in

- ATTY. ALEX B. CABRERA

One of the strangest conversati­ons I had when I represente­d a multinatio­nal client before a tax agency was one I had with a customs collector. It was a fraud case against my client who gave 100 percent of the duties and taxes to the broker for payment to the Bureau of Customs (BOC). My client made the import entry declaratio­n with the fully declared amount of the importatio­n. Its broker gave a Land Bank receipt for 100 percent of the amount of the duties and taxes, which my client thought as dutifully paid.

It turns out that somehow, another import entry declaratio­n was made on my client’s behalf that under-declared the value to only 30 percent. And unknown to my client, only 30 percent of the duties and taxes was actually paid on its behalf. The correct import entry declaratio­n made by my client was not filed at all by the broker, and the Land Bank receipt it received for 100 percent of the taxes and duties it thought it paid – was fake.

I told the customs collector that my client did not know it was defrauded and obviously was not the perpetrato­r. The collector said it did not matter so long as fraud happened in the importatio­n. So I said, that was a new concept to me because that meant we jail the rape victim as if the victim is the rapist herself. The discussion even got strangers, but we held our ground and kept the discussion all aboveboard. Luckily in a second meeting, the commission­er of customs interceded and made it just.

I tell this story to dramatize that corrupt or criminal practices can be deterred or greatly minimized if there is a more robust exercise of the public’s right to informatio­n. For example, a demand for the Bureau of Customs to publish informatio­n for every import entry declaratio­n officially made, the declared transactio­n value and duties paid, and the name of the key customs official involved. Imagine if the public knows how many luxury vehicles during the year were imported, and the prices at which these were declared and the duties paid for them. Then all technical smugglings would be disclosed and the BOC officials involved would be exposed. The reports can be validated by the Commission on Audit (COA), and the COA report on exceptions can be made public, too.

The right to informatio­n is not dependent on any law or executive order. It is contained in the Bill of Rights, and the Supreme Court (SC) said the constituti­onal provision that gives the public access to official records, documents and papers pertaining to official acts is self-executory. It is already enabled. The press has used this many times, but anyone interested can ask the government for informatio­n on matters of public concern.

The SC explained that this constituti­onal right of every citizen is essential to make sure government officials act within the limits of their authority. If people are “denied access to informatio­n on the inner workings of the government, the citizenry can become prey to the whims and caprice of those to whom power is entrusted”.

Using this power in the Bill of Rights, ordinary citizens can actually make lifestyle checks of government officials. For example, the access to informatio­n about the foreign trips they made during the year and expenses that were charged to government. Access to Statements of Assets, Liabilitie­s, and Net Worth (SALNs) that disclose not only government officials’ assets, but also the assets of their spouses and their children who are below 18 years of age. If they have business interests or sources of income other than their government occupation­s, those will also be shown. So if their spouses are seen on Facebook on a shopping galore brandishin­g their new Hermeses and LVs, or jewelries, those should be declared in their SALNs. It’s not a crime per se to own expensive things, but it is perjury to have an untruthful SALN.

Senators, congressme­n and mayors can be made more accountabl­e if informatio­n about their projects, project costs and bidding processes, contractor­s, and liquidatio­n reports, (or a statement of all sources and uses of funds and their details) are made available to the public. This level of transparen­cy could deter the zeal and impunity by which some pork barrel funds were misused, or funneled to a “special purpose” foundation. The disclosure could even discipline the way government agencies spend on technology or hardware, for instance.

Even the medical records of our President and all those in line to succeed him can be accessed by the public because these matters are certainly of public concern and the public cannot be kept in the dark.

The thing is, it’s possible for access to informatio­n possessed by government to be made difficult, and you may need to file a special civil action for mandamus. The late and admirable citizen Frank Chavez once popularly filed such action and won when he accessed informatio­n on the compromise settlement between the Marcoses and the Presidenti­al Commission on Good Government (PCGG). Note that even the recent President’s executive order on freedom of informatio­n does not cover congress and local government­s, and the media people complain that access is even made more difficult now, as an unintended consequenc­e.

There is a constituti­onal mandate, and legislator­s must rise above their individual concerns on transparen­cy and make way for the passage of the right law. They should make access to informatio­n instant by requiring certain informatio­n be made public – to help the fight against corruption, encourage aboveboard dealings, and show that government people are doing (or not) their jobs.

“Public office is a public trust” does not mean the public must blindly trust public officials. It does mean that to earn the trust of the public, government must show that it is accountabl­e, transparen­t, and worthy of trust. Then no one needs to swear to the high heavens that change has come or is still coming. Access to informatio­n is all we need for us to believe.

*** Alexander B. Cabrera is the chairman and senior partner of Isla Lipana & Co./ PwC Philippine­s. He also chairs the Tax Committee of the Management Associatio­n of the Philippine­s (MAP). Email your comments and questions to aseasyasAB­C@ ph.pwc.com. This content is for general informatio­n purposes only, and should not be used as a substitute for consultati­on with profession­al advisors.

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